Let me warmly welcome here, at what once was the bastion of a hardcore propaganda.

Dear friends!

It feels truly wonderful to unite and remind our shared journey that was launched 9 years ago by Angela Merkel in Berlin, and standing here as equal members of the European political community. Some of you are from the European Union and some other, including myself, are from “E” without the “U”. Yet, all of us, firmly believe nowadays in the indispensability of a common roof, a shared table and even our common trench during these challenging times, which seems will worsen before improving.

A war at Europe’s doorstep, where an authoritarian regime has forced a democratic and independent nation into a challenging self-defence of its territory has shown us that the world is changing more rapidly and differently than most of us has anticipated.

The most recent devastating attack on Israel compelled another democratic nation into self-defence. As we stand in solidarity with Israel, the insidious spread of hatred demonstrates time and again that different worldviews are creating divisions around and within our democratic community.

A pressing question I frequently ponder is: How are we reacting to this evolving scene beyond our shared European borders. While we stand united against Russia’s aggressive actions in Ukraine, are we also formulating or at least preparing a clear response to the internal political challenges our community faces?

Many challenges exist, but for those of us here representing Europe without the “U” the most striking political challenge is a painful separation between the EU member states and the non- EU non members.

Living without the EU is not an easy feat. The challenges facing the non-EU countries are intensifying compared to their EU counterparts. While you are all aware of this, I won’t cast any blame or air of grievances here. Instead, I would like to pose a few questions. Given the rapidly changing global dynamics, can we handle a separation between the EU and the non-EU countries in the same manner as we did just nine years ago when the Berlin Process was launched?

In 2014, when leaders of the Western Balkan countries met in Berlin, it marked a unique historic European moment for this region. Leaders from all six Western came together for the first time in the history of our neighbourhood, not to dispute the diverse interpretations of a shared past, but to embark on a cooperative journey towards a significant shared goal, transforming this underdeveloped and traumatized region into a zone mirroring the EU’s four freedoms: free movement of people, goods, services and capital.

All these nine years we have witnessed numerous meetings between us and the EU side, as well as among ourselves. We even pioneered our initiatives like the Open Balkans, which wouldn’t have been conceivable without the Berlin Process. Reflecting on the past nine years, we have gained valuable experience by sharing and exchanging views and learning in a civilized way to disagree on contentious issues.

We all owe gratitude to countries like Germany, France, Italy, and Austria and all to those who have championed this initiative from 2014 onwards. I believe that the infusion of this new European spirit in this region is a Berlin Process crowning achievement. Given our region’s tumultuous history, this is a monumental and irreversible accomplishment of this visionary initiative. However, I must emphasize that the economic promises under the Berlin Process have not been fully materialized, to put it mildly, especially when compared to a transformative political mindset it has ushered in. Angela Merkel utterly highlighted this at Poland Berlin Process Summit, when she said that highways don’t require the democracy to function properly, but democracies without infrastructure cannot properly work.

It is actually commendable that thanks to Ursula and the European Commission, and I must express here the gratitude for Commissioner Varhelyi’s relentless efforts in rocking and rolling all of us as a guiding and supporting close friend of every Western Balkan country, we are taking now a very significant step towards substantial economic change through the new growth plan for the Western Balkans in the upcoming years.

This is the first bold step forward a frustrating repetition of more of the same of dealing with non-tariff barriers and various documents within the region for work, trade, education and so on. Albania has appreciated since day one the huge added value we all can create by delivering in this direction and we have done our part, but the truth is that while efforts to lift non-tariff barriers and ensure that mutual recognition of documents pare crucial, the process has been encumbered by longstanding bilateral issues among some countries in the region.

To elucidate my point on the need for more support, consider this: Our EU neighbours receive over 4500 euros per capita annually from the EU, while the Western Balkan six countries receive only 138 euros per capita through the EU-funded programmes annually. Aren’t these figures a testimony to the frightening scale of a class division, so to say, that has progressively deepened the separation of our common ground, within the same “home of Europe”, over all these years of subsequent shaking crisis for the whole continent, while the nature and the depth of those crisis has brought us so naturally closer on human and political level.

The funds under the Economic and Investment Plan for the Western Balkans are significant. However, 90% of them are loans and only 10 % are grants. Additionally, the mechanism for accessing them is outdated and slow. Please understand that I am not suggesting equal funding and financial benefits for the non-EU countries or an expedited EU membership process. The merit-based approach towards the EU full membership must continue for our own benefit. What I am saying is that in today’s fast evolving global landscape, in a world where long-term strategic and at the same time expedited decision-making is becoming more and more to the advantage of autocracies that are gathering forces to force the way the world has been organized since the WWII, we should explore fresh alternative avenues to bridge the existing divisions, ensuring harmonious coexistence for Europe’s future and to mitigate the danger of such division before it may harm Europe from within.

I wouldn’t dwell here on an idea of a larger Union of 33, 35 or 40 members instead of the actual 27 bloc, which is something quite challenging to foresee in any near future at such a time of incredible events, big and small, within various perimeters. Instead, I would like to simply ask: Would it perhaps be more pragmatic to reshape the path from accession talks commencement to full membership and not rush with good intentions to set deadlines of further EU enlargements, which not only can be nor agreed and either maintained by all 27 members, but also contradict fundamental merit-based process of each individual country’s full integration?

And wouldn’t it be fairer and more efficient to address the inertia of this division by introducing an observing member status for countries transitioning from opening accession talks to full membership? Such an intermediate status, which would grant certain privileges, certainly without voting rights, could significantly benefit all parties involved, enhancing political unity within democratic Europe and governance accountability within the Western Balkans. If we can move beyond the idea of a distant relationship and function more like partners, sharing a home, we would better understand mutual challenges and will share the burdens of the undoubtedly challenging times ahead. 

The new growth plan is a promising start towards a fresh path, which we should courageously and ambitiously explore to prevent the anguish of a potential separation of a union that never truly materialized. 

Thank you once and again and vive l’Europe!