Prime Minister Edi Rama: Good afternoon, everyone. Thank you very much.

Today marks the traditional end-of-year conference, which is typically longer than usual, and I will begin with what I consider to be the most significant development of the year we are leaving behind: the opening of accession negotiations with the European Union, including the opening of two very important clusters—starting with the foundational chapters, followed by foreign relations. It is important to emphasize here something you have likely heard before: this extraordinary process, in terms of work, intensity, and quality, would have been impossible without the excellent work of a large national team from Albania. This team, made up of hundreds of public administration employees, negotiators, group leaders, and group members, who contributed significantly to the screening process—essentially the diagnosis of the entire Albanian system across all sectors.

Frankly speaking, the progress of the screening process and the surprising evaluations from the European Commission, along with governments that are typically more skeptical of Albania’s EU bid, have been a source of encouragement and motivation. These evaluations are a concrete testament to what has been achieved over the years and reflect the true value of the public administration of the Republic of Albania. A public administration that, without a doubt, is not represented or explained by the actions of those civil servants who, for one reason or another, do not honor our administration, our state, or our flag. These individuals rightly become the subject of media scrutiny or legal actions for their inappropriate behavior.

However, if we consider both sides of this issue, the visible side, due to public exposure, represents only a very small part of the true functioning of our public administration. It is not representative of the level of leadership or the management of public affairs, something that was clearly demonstrated—something that, personally, was a surprise during our engagement with the European Commission’s team of technocrats.

This year also marks a very significant milestone: despite the fact that it may not have made as much noise in the media, Albania has officially emerged from 29 years of full monitoring by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe. We are no longer under full monitoring, and we are now on equal footing with the countries we aim to join in the European family within this decade.

Thirdly, Albania has played a key role in initiating and pushing forward a historic dialogue, not only between the European Commission, member states, and candidate countries, but also with other countries in the region. This process led to the creation of the new EU Growth Plan in support of the Western Balkans countries. I say this with great pride. It has been a difficult process, requiring persistent efforts in contacts, meetings, and document exchanges with the office of the president of the European Commission and key European Union chancelleries. This effort resulted in the inclusion of a new element in the traditional integration process: “gradual membership.” Unlike what happened with other countries, we and the countries in the region now have a new financial instrument at our disposal in the new Growth Plan.                                                                                                                                                                 From today until 2027, Albania will receive an additional 1 billion euros. At the same time, we have received the green light to join the European family in several areas of EU governance. A concrete result of this new Growth Plan is that, starting from November 21, Albanians living abroad who make money transfers from the EU to Albania will no longer face additional fees for their transfers. This is because Albania is now officially a member of the EU’s Single Payment Area, which, in financial terms, will save millions of euros for senders and recipients both inside and outside the EU.

Albanians worldwide who make money transfers from the EU to Albania will no longer face any extra fees, as Albania is now officially a member of the European Single Payment Area. This translates into saving millions of euros for senders and recipients, both from abroad to within Albania and vice versa, within the EU perimeter.

In a competition with several countries, Albania has won the significant opportunity to open a European College in Tirana. This is the second branch of the European College, which historically has its headquarters in Bruges, Belgium.                                                                               The opening of this college in Tirana is not just a meaningful symbol but also a significant recognition of Albania’s new position in international relations and its relationship with the EU.

Albania has hosted a series of summits that would have been unthinkable just a few years ago. Next year, on May 16, we will host the European Political Community summit, where we will welcome the leaders of 700 million Europeans from beyond the EU borders—from London to Baku, from Stockholm and Oslo to Ankara, and from Lisbon to Kiev.

The reason Albania was given this opportunity is simple. Albania today is a country that is respected by all. Everyone sees it with respect, and the recognition we’ve received makes me very proud. But more important than personal pride is the inspiration and motivation to continue moving forward. Even more unimaginable just a few years ago is the upcoming NATO summit in Tirana in 2027, for which we have already begun working with NATO. An inspection mission on infrastructure and logistics has come to Tirana, evaluated the conditions, and acknowledged that it  would have been impossible in the Tirana of the past before the government, in cooperation with the Municipality of Tirana, built everything it has built over the past decade.

 

The arrival of the President of the United States and all NATO leaders in Tirana is a clear message about Albania, about our new political position in the international arena.

We are a small country. We have modest weight, but today we are treated as equals—not only formally but with a respect that we have never experienced before in our history.

This is the current image of Albania in the eyes of Europe and the world—not a facade, but an extraordinary result of exceptional work across all sectors.

Now, I want to return to the administration, and in this case, not just public administration in central institutions, but the entire state administration, which includes all public sector employees. As reported by INSTAT, we have exceeded the target set in June of the year we are leaving behind, which was for salaries to reach an average of 900 euros. We are now at 968 euros, and the once unimaginable ceiling of 1,000 euros is now within reach. This is the result of significant economic growth and increased opportunities. Because wanting to raise wages and pensions is one thing, but being able to do it is another. Raising wages and pensions while continuing to grow the economy and maintaining macroeconomic balance is one thing. It’s entirely different to do this as it has been done in the past, when some situations effectively pushed the country in an unknown direction, leaving behind significant gaps—whether large or small—that we inherited when we took office. A country burdened with debt, covered in dust, and one where, in reality, only paying off debts and restarting the financing of projects that were promoted as completed, but in fact were just tenders and contracts without real funding, took a lot of time.

Today, however, we are in a different situation, and we’re in a better place in many ways. We didn’t have an administration that was motivated or had the means to serve with dignity. Today, we do, thanks to an extraordinary transformation. We’ve moved services from where, until recently, people had to wait in long lines under the rain or sun, often paying bribes just to obtain a civil registry certificate. Now, they can access these services right from their mobile phones.

The virtual assistant, which has already been integrated into the E-Albania platform and has answered over a million questions during 2024, will soon transition from a text-based assistant to one that can speak with anyone seeking a service. Not only will it speak, but it will also deliver the service. This breakthrough is thanks to the hard work we’ve been doing since I first announced this innovation, in close collaboration with the Microsoft innovation team, as well as the outstanding efforts of AKSHI (The National Agency for Information Society) and its director, who have made it possible for us to become one of the leading countries in online services.

The reason we are a leader in this field is simple: It is nearly impossible to become a leader in other sectors when you are part of a club of highly developed, mature, and powerful countries. However, in the field of technology, it is not only possible, but also a great opportunity for developing countries like ours. For a country like Germany to update its large state administration, which was once a global model, and integrate digital technology, it’s far more difficult than for countries like ours. That’s why, if you look at the countries that have made the most significant progress in integrating technology into administrative reform, you will find that they are often not the largest or most developed in other areas. Take Estonia as an example. After the fall of the Soviet Union, it embraced technology and became a leader.

I provide this explanation to clarify that, in the context of the E-Albania platform, we are now one of the leading countries. With the introduction of the virtual assistant with voice and image, which will not only answer questions but also provide services, we are about to elevate the platform to a whole new level.

In fact, this year we have seen the number of E-Albania users grow to over 3.25 million.

Why is this important? Because 14 million services offered through E-Albania and 9.9 million electronically sealed documents, which users can now access for free with just a click, used to involve long queues, bribery, wasted time, gas expenses, and physical effort to get what they now receive digitally and at no cost.

When we talk about corruption, the fight against it, transforms the state-citizen relationship, this element is crucial. It is a powerful reflection of the functioning of the state. Of course, it may not be significant to those who wish to focus solely on a small segment of the picture, no matter how meaningful that segment might be. But the fight against corruption is ultimately a fight for the modernization of the state. It is not the struggle of one segment, but of the entire system.

For Albania, the biggest challenge has been the endemic corruption that pervaded every aspect of governance—at every step, for every document. Today, the situation is dramatically different. The final piece of this puzzle is the completion of the cadastral project, which will fully integrate the system into the digital framework.

While a significant part of the cadastral system is already digital and online applications are possible, there remains another section that must be integrated. For this, we have dedicated special funds and teams, as it is a complex task requiring significant manpower on the ground.

Additionally, I want to highlight that the evaluation of our public services is widely recognized internationally. This is not just our assessment but a global one. In international rankings of public service capacity, Albania ranks among the top countries. For your curiosity, and for those following us, in the 2023 Digital Services Report, Albania was classified as having made moderate but positive progress.

Today, we have achieved a significant milestone, reaching a stage referred to as “good.” When you reach this stage, it essentially means you are aligned with the standards of the European Union in that particular area. Additionally, Albania secured the top spot in a global competition for expertise in cybersecurity, competing against 108 countries. However, I want to emphasize that all the work done for today is accompanied by substantial efforts for the future.

This year, we successfully implemented 216 smart laboratories across 200 schools in the country. As a result, starting from first grade, our students are entering the world of technology with the most advanced curricula and methods. Furthermore, we aim to expand this initiative by adding 654 smart laboratories in 615 schools, which will help us complete the project in its third phase, reaching a total of 970 smart laboratories. This means that, moving forward, no student in the Republic of Albania will enter school or begin their pre-university education without access to the tools needed to prepare for the digital world.

As I’ve mentioned several times, and as you have heard, we’ve made significant strides in the field of artificial intelligence. We have finalized the country’s first national artificial intelligence strategy, and as we speak, we are already using AI to assist in the integration of the EU’s legal framework into Albania’s legal system. This process represents the full technical and practical alignment with the EU’s legislative standards. For example, other countries, such as Croatia—who was the most recent to join the European Union—had to rely on armies of translators and drafters to complete this task. Meanwhile, we are accomplishing 90% of this work using artificial intelligence.

On the other hand, we are in the process of developing a procurement model using artificial intelligence, which will be another innovation, and in this area, too, we will be at the forefront for the reasons I mentioned earlier. This has been a historical and traditional problem for us, and the involvement of thousands of administrative employees in procurement committees has, on one hand, been a huge effort, a significant energy expenditure, and a disproportionate consumption of human resources. On the other hand, it has not guaranteed a fully European standard of public procurement, as defined by the European Union. Procurement is often perceived as simple when discussed on TV or in the media, but it is actually a very technical matter. Those involved in executing it need not only integrity but also the appropriate legal expertise, among other qualifications.

The advantage of technology now gives us the opportunity to overcome the centuries-old administrative traditions that other countries, which we often look up to, have built.                  By harnessing the exponential growth capacity of technology, we can leapfrog time and use digital technology as a tool to improve deeper processes, beyond just delivering services, which we have already accomplished. I believe that the transformative first step we took by establishing a new procurement institution—a single operator that handles procurement for all ministries and state institutions—marks a significant milestone. The news hasn’t been fully announced yet, and this is not my responsibility. I share my updates, and you share yours, but the important point is that procurement will no longer be handled by individual ministries. The operator created this year, which is now fully operational, will continue to take on all procurement tasks for the Republic of Albania over the next two years.

This approach will eliminate all speculations, interpretations, and the games played with documents as they pass from portal to portal, from channel to channel. It will no longer be possible for individuals to engage in such practices, with documents that, for many, may seem foreign—like they are written in Arabic rather than Albanian, in terms of procedural language.

I want to take a moment to emphasize the support provided to the entire administrative system, thanks to the opportunities created by the economic growth I previously mentioned. Today, we have managed to achieve competitive salaries in the public administration, comparable to the high wages in the private sector. It’s no coincidence that, according to the European Commission—an institution dedicated to thoroughly assessing the functioning of a state—Albania ranks first in the region in 4 out of 5 areas of public administration evaluation.

This means we are ahead of countries that have been negotiating with the European Union for years and countries aspiring to join. In 4 out of 5 areas, Albania leads the region by a significant margin, especially in public procurement.

Albania scored 80 out of 100 in the analytical evaluation of public procurement processes, while the second-ranked country scored around 71 or 72, and others scored below 70 points. This difference is quite significant. For this reason, continuous support for the administration is crucial. But when I say “administration,” I’m not just referring to office workers. I mean teachers, doctors, nurses, police officers, soldiers, firefighters, and even prison workers, for whom a new decision is expected to be made, possibly today during the government meeting. The salary increases across these sectors have raised the average wage to 968 euros.

Regarding the economy as a whole, I want to emphasize that, due to our growth, we have managed to establish a funding volume for pensioners by the end of this year that would have been unthinkable just a few years ago. The debate of “is it too much, or is it too little” is a different matter. It is never too much for anyone in these categories, especially not for pensioners. However, a 100-million-euro year-end bonus is a sum that we can afford today, as we are somewhat relieved by the heavy burden of economic growth during which pensioners were not included in the benefits of that growth.

This is a clear indication of the progress we’ve made. Additionally, the fact that we can now introduce a spring bonus, which will be provided every year as a reflection of any increase above projections, is highly significant. Beyond this, we are working with international partners and experts on a new pension reform, as I had promised. Today, if anyone were to ask me to point to a single area that truly showcases the past, present, and potential future of governance in Albania, I would focus on pensions. I would highlight the difference between pensioners who retired before 2014 and those who retired after 2014, showing them how their pensions differ for the same work and years of service.

For instance, a doctor with 40 years of service who retired before 2014 received a pension close to the minimum, whereas a doctor with 40 years of service who retired after 2014 receives a pension near 600,000 lek, or approximately 600 euros. Why did this happen? Because those who governed Albania before effectively destroyed the pension system and failed to fix it. They treated pensions as charity, sabotaging the entire social insurance system by setting a ceiling of 240,000 lek, which could barely cover a fraction of living costs, while increasing the number of pensioners in a system that had already been dismantled.

Now, people are understandably asking why there is such a disparity in pensions for the same years of service. The answer, though painful, is simple: If the government treats pensions as an obligation funded by taxes, what was done in the past will no longer be the worst thing Albanians have experienced.

There are two key points to consider. First, those who suffer from the political consequences and see their colleagues who retired after 2014 receiving higher pensions for the same years of service should never forgive those responsible. If they need the names of those responsible, I am happy to provide them, but I’m sure they already know.

Second, the reform we are working on and conceptualizing must address this historic injustice. What was done to pensioners — through unfairness, betrayal, and a brutal disregard for justice — is very similar to what happened with the pyramid schemes, but with long-term effects and stress on those affected. It’s easy to say, “Well, you’ve had 10, 11, or 12 years,” but pension systems are built over centuries. Systems that were implemented backward in just a quarter of a century cannot be fully corrected in one decade. It’s theoretically impossible. Therefore, the bonuses are a way to compensate pensioners without disrupting the entire system and without creating an invisible hole, like the ones caused by the previous government, that would harm future generations.

Today, we are at a new stage, one that, just a few years ago, would have seemed unimaginable. In November, Rinas Airport closed the year with 10 million passengers. For anyone who doesn’t begrudge Albania’s progress and questions how the country is moving forward, I must say: I’m sorry, but today, for the second year in a row, we have the largest airport in the region, surpassing Belgrade. Belgrade has long been the regional capital, with its main airport, while we used to have a chicken coop of an airport at Rinas, where chickens were counted in the morning when they left the coop and again at night when they returned. That was the reality. You may not have seen Rinas back then, but I have, as I had to fly there for international basketball events.

Imagine a small café with wooden tables and square textile tablecloths, where there was no one but a bartender and a waiter. This is the International Airport of Tirana today. It wasn’t time that brought about this change, but the monumental work done over the years.

For the economy and tourism, much like in the technology field that I mentioned earlier, we are not just focusing on what is happening today. We are planning ahead, preparing more and more young people every day in vocational schools, expanding the capacity of these schools.

A very exciting piece of news is that the prestigious Lausanne School of Tourism, one of the world’s top tourism schools, has come to Albania. Just as France might open its own public administration school here, this leading institution has opened a branch in Albania. Now, our children, upon graduating from the hospitality-tourism school at the “pyramid” building behind, will hold a diploma from Lausanne, becoming the new generation of hospitality services. This is a remarkable development, because while we have had the sea, the sun, the mountains, and the hills for years, we never had tourists.

Today, we have tourists, but we still lack the services that will elevate our tourism sector, turning it into a more significant source of income for the people here.

The truth is, every tourist who comes here (this is why tourism is considered an export) spends money across the entire production and service chain. And from the money that comes into the country from tourism, it’s the Albanians who benefit, not the tourists. Tourists benefit from services, but it’s the local economy that thrives.

As for vocational education, we have 10 vocational schools and 2 more professional training centers under construction. But even more important is that all the working methods in vocational education are being modernized and improved.

Encouraging data shows a growing interest in vocational education, as well as an increased demand from employers for professional training. Soon, I believe in the first month of the new year, we will launch a new platform for Albanian workers abroad, starting with Greece and Italy. This platform will list job opportunities in Albania, specifically in the tourism and construction sectors.

I can say with full confidence, backed by facts and figures—not just words—that anyone working in construction in Greece and coming to work here will earn more at the end of the month in Albania than they would in Greece. It may not be a huge difference, but it’s guaranteed.

This platform will be available to all tourism operators and construction companies, whether in public infrastructure or private construction. It will provide job openings, contracts, salary details, and insurance information.

I know this is a long statement, and I won’t keep you much longer. But this is an opportunity to share with you at the end of the year things that might not have been said throughout the year. Where else will you hear this? Where else will you learn this?

In the year we are leaving behind, Albania has been upgraded by the global rating agency Standard & Poor’s to a BB positive rating—marking a new stage for the country. Furthermore, the other agency, Moody’s, has raised Albania’s rating to BA3 with a stable outlook, marking another important milestone.

These are global institutions with high professionalism and responsibility, and surprisingly, they do not reflect the tone and spirit of many reports suggesting that the economy and situation here are on the verge of a revolution. In reality, there is no sign of revolution anywhere; instead, we are witnessing evolution.

Regarding tax and customs revenues, which reflect economic growth, it’s clear that revenue doesn’t increase in a country without raising taxes. We began our governance in the first term with a very simple promise: those who earn more will pay more, and those who earn less will pay less.

We increased the tax rate for large companies from 10% to 15%, while eliminating taxes for small businesses—something no other country in the region has done. I’m not even talking about Europe here. We introduced zero tax and zero VAT for businesses with a turnover of up to 100,000 euros and zero tax for businesses with up to 140,000 euros in turnover.

So, how do revenues increase without raising taxes? Revenues increase because the economy grows—because more businesses open, more employees are hired, and the volume of work increases. That’s why revenues rise: because commerce grows, among other factors.

In fact, we are in a situation where revenues have surpassed our original plan. When we set this target, it was a highly ambitious discussion with the IMF, but we are now 9.7 billion lek above the original plan, which is a significant amount for the budget of the Republic of Albania.

And compared to last year, we have an increase of 31.6 billion lek—316 million euros—over the plan.

Of course, this includes improvements in tax and customs performance, as well as efforts to reduce informality, and it’s clear that we are moving in the right direction.

But the most encouraging news comes from contributions to social and health insurance, which, thanks to our efforts, have increased. While pensioners were often a subject of political showmanship, we have consistently emphasized that companies must adjust wage levels or face consequences.

In that show, we emphasized that social security contributions are untouchable, and thanks to the new impact on wage declarations—which wasn’t just a coincidence, but happened before the wage declarations—we are seeing positive results. Due to this impact, we’ve reviewed many company declarations, some of which were sent back because they were not justified, with clear consequences if not corrected. As a result, we are exceeding our initial social security target by 38 million euros, and compared to last year, this represents an increase of 15 million euros. This means that by strengthening the social security system, we will be able to allocate more resources for pensions.

But where will these funds come from? Pensions can be compensated, but this compensation is a result of economic growth, investments, and a strengthened system. However, it cannot come at the cost of other essential sectors like education, healthcare, and infrastructure. You cannot build a sustainable pension system by draining resources from these areas. While compensation is possible to some extent, it’s clear that the system cannot rely solely on this approach.

Though some may believe we are heading toward a closure, I assure you we are only at the beginning. I’m moving forward with the discussion, so I won’t keep you too long—don’t worry, I’m aware of dinner time! But let’s touch on energy and infrastructure briefly, as you all know, these require long-term solutions for the people. The real question is: where will they learn about it? From what I’ve gathered, a lot of people aren’t aware of the reforms and changes that have occurred this year in Albania.

For instance, consider the issue of network losses. When we started, the losses were at catastrophic levels. Today, we’ve seen a continuous reduction in these losses. Additionally, this year, we’ve achieved a 15.3% increase in the country’s energy capacity.

Thanks to the increase in energy investments, we have seen a 15.3% growth in the country’s production capacity, along with a fivefold increase in green energy production, mainly from the photovoltaic plant in Karavasta. Now, if someone claims that this information has been shared about a 15% increase in energy production and a fivefold increase in green energy this year, I must respectfully say that this is inaccurate. It hasn’t been stated by us, despite being reported elsewhere.

Regarding the number of passengers, we’ve seen a 41% increase in travelers this year compared to the last. What does this mean? It means economic growth. It means higher revenues from the greater movement of people and the circulation of money. For those who think Albania is a place only for laundering dirty money, let me clarify: comparing the size of this economy with what could come from illicit funds is like comparing an elephant to a mouse.

We’ve also witnessed a 16% rise in the number of registered vehicles in Albania this year. At the same time, there have been major infrastructure developments, with many ongoing projects being completed. I want to highlight the Llogara Tunnel, the Thumanë-Kashar road, which reduces travel time from the north and northeast by around 30 minutes; the large ring road of Tirana, which impacts a third of the capital’s population; the first phase of the Elbasan-Qafë Thanë road; the Orikum-Dukat segment; and the Korçë-Ersekë road, which offers an extraordinary scenic view for those who visit up close.

The hysteria that arose regarding the collapse of a specific segment has completely dissipated. The costs were covered by the company within the guarantee, and it didn’t cost Albanian taxpayers a single penny. Moreover, the project was not even finished when this incident occurred. Things like this do happen in public works, but what matters is that, unlike the past, we no longer see the phenomenon where a public work is awarded at one price, but upon completion, it costs significantly more. This used to be a common scam. Take the Murriz Tunnel, for example—a project that faced significant geological challenges. A massive effort is being made to address these surprises, but the additional costs are not being borne by the state budget. Why? Because of something simple: PPP. When structured properly, the burden is shared. In this case, the company is absorbing the geological surprise, not the state, and the work continues.

We are hopeful that in the spring, but I don’t want to discuss that tunnel anymore, as it has truly brought us significant challenges. However, we do expect it to open.

The winner has been announced for the new Milot-Thumanë segment, the Kashar-Lekaj segment, and the Lekaj-Fier segment. All of these are part of the Blue Corridor. I remember presenting the Blue Corridor during the campaign some time ago when we were in opposition. At that time, there was a lot of mockery from those who abandoned the roads. But here we are today with the Blue Corridor, and the procedure for the Milot-Balldren segment has been announced. At the same time, the expansion of the Elbasan-Qafë Thanë road continues, along with the Elbasan-Papër and Papër-Ura e Grykshit routes, all part of Corridor Eight.

Work has already begun, and you have likely seen the expansion of the Tirana-Durrës highway, which now includes the long-awaited rehabilitation of the Kombinat-Ndroq-Plepa section—a real scandal. We would have liked to finish it sooner, but when you aim to do more, you need more resources, right? You understand very well, as we all do in our personal lives, that when it comes to state projects, many believe it is just about desire. But if it were only about desire, we would have completed everything on time.

The rehabilitation of the Fier-Kthesa e Patosit-Frataj road continues. The construction of the Berat-Ballaban segments, a long-awaited and strategic move for tourism development, is also progressing. As for the Qafa e Buallit-Martanesh road, you may recall, it took longer to construct than the Kiev-London route. Today, the Çerenec Bridge in Peshkopi is being built, organized, and asphalted. And the cherry on top is the Traffic Monitoring Center (TMC), which will be the technological heart of transportation, using the latest digital technologies, not just infrastructure.

The TMC will be equipped with the world’s most advanced traffic monitoring system, which we are about to implement thanks to an agreement with the government of the United Arab Emirates. This system will quickly deploy traffic surveillance with AI-powered cameras. Every vehicle, individual, or any other entity crossing or obstructing the road will be monitored in real-time. The system will track speed, accidents, and even identify insurance status, vehicle registration, and much more. This will significantly strengthen public order, law enforcement, and the fight against crime—there’s no doubt about it.

We are now at a stage where we’ve begun building railways in Albania.                                 Indeed, I’ve mentioned some of these developments, though not in great detail. The Tirana-Durrës-Rinas railway is approximately 80% complete, and we’ve submitted the preliminary project to WBIF (Western Balkans Investment Framework), which funds and evaluates projects for the European Union. This involves the selection of the route for the Shkodër-Gjakovë railway, or more specifically, the Durrës-Prishtina line. Additionally, the contract for the Vora-Hani Hoti railway has been signed between Albanian Railways and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development. The final project for the Rrogozhinë-Pogradec railway has been submitted, and we are awaiting the technical assistance grant from WBIF. The second procurement phase for the Durrës-Rrogozhinë railway is complete, with contract negotiations set to begin in January. We’ve also submitted the preliminary design for the electrification of Corridor 8 as part of the railway development.

Regarding the Vlorë Airport, our goal is to initiate the first flights by next season. The new port of Durrës has been re-opened for international bidding after the initial tender process revealed discrepancies during supervision by Royal Haskoning. These issues, identified among several large international companies, led to the project being returned for further clarification. This port will be the first in Europe built entirely from scratch, unlike other ports that expand or adapt existing infrastructure. As a result, the entire experience and the specific needs being addressed will make it a model public infrastructure project.

We are also making significant progress with NATO. Our request has successfully passed the technical evaluation phase with the highest ratings and is now undergoing strategic evaluation, which is the next step in the process.

This year, we’ve also made substantial progress in improving water supply and sewage systems, with 40 projects across 29 municipalities, including 9 in tourist areas. These initiatives will benefit around a quarter of a million people, especially in remote regions of the country. Additionally, 14 regional consolidated water companies have started operations. This reform has led to a noticeable increase in revenue collection in the water sector and a significant reduction in losses, a longstanding issue for the sector.

I don’t want to repeat what I said about smart laboratories in the context of education, but I do want to highlight that this year, 100 new schools and kindergartens have been built and reconstructed from the ground up. Additionally, the number of children involved in sports teams, through the joint program with the Albanian Olympic Committee, has increased. We have had an important year, the Year of the Albanian Language. We also held a Language Assembly, but what is most significant is that we have finally seen a long-awaited result after decades, thanks to our collaboration with the Academy of Sciences and the work done together on the first draft of the new Albanian language dictionary. As for when the previous dictionary was created, I believe you know, and I assume many of you were not even born yet.

The change in policy regarding excellence in education, focusing on students who choose to study in Albania, is another key point. We no longer fund studies abroad, a program that was originally created by previous governments with good intentions. However, in practice, the vast majority—if not all—of those who received funding from Albanian taxpayers to study abroad ended up staying abroad. This no longer makes sense. Now we are seeing a significant shift, with students receiving scholarships—though not as large as those given to those studying abroad—who are committed to staying in Albania for a significant period.

Equally important is the shift in scientific research at universities, which has greatly improved. We are now witnessing further developments in attracting funds from abroad, whether from the European Union or through collaborations with other universities. This is a result of the efforts we made and succeeded in, and it was one of the outcomes of the summit with the European Union here in Tirana, where our universities joined the European University Alliance—something that until then was only available to universities in the European Union. The 130 infrastructure and scientific research projects is very meaningful, especially considering the progress from where we started, but there is still much more to be done.

We have also a situation that you’re already familiar with, regarding TikTok. We will not deviate from the decision we’ve made, and as I have previously warned, it is a decision that will require 6 to 8 weeks for implementation, because this period is crucial from a technological standpoint. I have a lot of paperwork to go through and will return to discussing education when it comes up, but for now, I am focusing on healthcare, because there are many positive developments in healthcare. Hospital autonomy has continued to be implemented.

Today, the Memorial Hospital in Fier, where hospital autonomy was first piloted, five other hospitals have also gained autonomy. This means the system has changed from within, with new dynamics between the management teams, public health professionals, and finances.

This is very significant, and hospital autonomy provides flexibility in determining doctors’ salaries based on a set of specific criteria. There have been a number of positive developments in improving the performance and range of services within our public health system. We have continued to expand development programs for children, starting with the dental service, which has been reintroduced in schools, supporting both parents and children, especially for preventive care. This year, approximately 55,000 people have benefited from the diabetes strip reimbursement program, and the baby bonus program, which started some time ago, has reached a total of 227,000 beneficiaries this year. Additionally, we continue to support unemployed mothers with three children, with around 9,200 mothers receiving direct support from the state because they are unemployed and have three children to care for.

An essential point is the stability in our human resources.
Through the “Doctors for Albania” portal, 344 new doctors and 1,123 nurses, including medical technicians, have been hired this year. Furthermore, 65 new specialists have completed their specializations, and a new soft loan program for housing has been launched for doctors, nurses, teachers, as well as employees of the State Police and the Armed Forces.”

Another good piece of news — I’m not sure about for you — is that we have started a collaboration process to reach a twinning agreement, but not a symbolic twinning, rather a full twinning with complete interaction with the ‘Shiba’ Hospital in Israel. This hospital is ranked 9th in the world in terms of capacity, services, and performance quality. At the beginning of next year, the Oncology Center will be the first point of cooperation on the ground. The entire work program of the Oncology Center will be a program that is not only being built in collaboration with the experts from the ‘Shiba’ hospital but will also be followed, managed, and implemented in the day-to-day operations of the hospital together. This will make full use of the capabilities of Israeli doctors, as well as the great opportunities provided by technology through telemedicine. We truly believe that this is the first step, but the transformation will be extraordinary, not just in terms of the present, but also in terms of increasing capacities and transforming that service, which is the most challenging service globally — this is well-known. Moreover, step by step, this cooperation will expand across the entire Mother Teresa University Hospital Center, which, with the support of our Israeli friends, we aim to turn into an excellence center for public healthcare services in the entire region.

We have completed the rehabilitation of the pediatric specialties department. A new program we have been working on and will launch next year is the possibility for children receiving services at the pediatric hospital to also attend school within the hospital, with specific programs tailored for them. This is a well-known program that is implemented in some of the best hospitals worldwide, and thanks to a partnership we have established in the United States, we will bring this experience to the Pediatric Hospital in Tirana. Additionally, a new day hospital has been built with 60 beds, providing services for 65,000 patients per year. This facility offers care for patients who only require one-day treatment and helps prevent the overload of other parts of the system.

Three specialty polyclinics have been rehabilitated, and since 2018, up until this year, we have opened 400 new health centers throughout the Republic of Albania.

We previously had 400 abandoned cottages where only a nurse was present, and the doctor would appear occasionally. Today, we have 400 new health centers across the entire territory of the Republic of Albania. The ‘Mbreteresha Geraldine’ Maternity Hospital is in the final phase of reconstruction, along with an expansion of its capacity. The full rehabilitation of the Kukës Regional Hospital, along with a range of state-of-the-art equipment, is also in progress. Additionally, we’ve opened construction sites this year for the following: the Lezhë Hospital, the Krujë Hospital, the maternity hospital I mentioned earlier, the new laboratory building at the Institute of Public Health, a complete renovation of the psychiatric hospital in Vlorë, the central building of the Gjirokastër Regional Hospital, and soon the Dibra Regional Hospital, as the contract has been signed.

In terms of social protection, the support for people in need has continued to increase, and local government authorities are now actively involved in this process.

There has been a lot of talk about agriculture recently, but there are concrete figures, supported by customs data, which show that agricultural exports have increased by almost 20% in the first 11 months of the year. As for December’s figures, with your understanding, we don’t have them yet, but we’ve reached 435,000 tons of agricultural exports. Furthermore, we have received encouraging data regarding “Sustainable Production Components.” In terms of investments, work on embankments, drainage systems, and irrigation has continued. This has now become routine work, with new segments of main drainage channels being constructed, and the main irrigation infrastructure has been rehabilitated for about 8,000 additional hectares.

An important milestone is that the agricultural land information system is making significant progress toward final digitalization. We’ve created an information system for 460,541 hectares, which never existed before, and the digitalization of agricultural land registers is ongoing.

Another important component of the work is the markets, because the markets are also one of the weak points when it comes to EU membership, they are “hotspots” and have been “hotspots” for all the countries that have gone through this process.

The issue of markets is one that needs further attention, and there are 9 agricultural and livestock markets that have been newly established and are now operational. These markets were completed this year.

In closing the first part, I would like to touch on internal affairs and security, as there are several important aspects, starting with the statistics. There is a significant negative aspect, which is… there has been a shift in the media and political landscape of the country concerning internal affairs. The shift is that, as murders have decreased year by year, the number is steadily dropping, and today, as we speak, we are closing the year with the lowest number of murders. You have probably heard this statement every year-end, haven’t you? Do you remember? Because that’s what has happened. If you look at the murder statistics, we started with an average of 1 murder every 3 days as a legacy when we took office, and we have gradually reduced it. However, media and political life thrives on killings, injuries, and spectacle. This year, there were 2 such spectacles that, in terms of their intensity and the manipulation of the public, could be seen as worthy of praise—if the goal is to manipulate the public.

There is no doubt that in terms of audience, likes, and shares, these were spectacles that were successful. However, they were two examples of how the public can be manipulated and deceived. The spectacle following the murder in Pogradec, characterized by lie after lie, fabrication after fabrication, and scandal after scandal, compromised the integrity of public service.

The other spectacle, even more disturbing in this regard, was the one surrounding the 14-year-old and the tragedy of his family. In that case, other murderers were invented, knives were fabricated, and criminal versions were spun in relation to public responsibility. I consider this a crime because, in such emotionally charged circumstances—it is criminal to poison the public, as if the emotional trauma of the event wasn’t enough. To tell the public that the police hid another murderer, to claim that the other killer is the son of an investigator at the National Bureau of Investigation, and that’s why it was concealed—telling the public these things is a crime, in my opinion. This is morally wrong. And this is exactly what happened. The public was kept in suspense for a long time, both after the murder in Pogradec and after the killing of the 14-year-old, with a collective deception involving all those who were part of it. I’m not saying all the media, but those who participated. I can understand politicians who choose that tactic, fabricating accusations to create news, news to generate facts, facts to fuel analysis, analysis to create questions, and questions to demand accountability. This is the cycle. But what I cannot understand—or rather, I do understand this too, but I will share it with you—is that these were two tragic, painful moments of the year we are leaving behind. They were tragedies for two lost lives, but they were also repugnant because these two dead individuals were killed multiple times over, as their truth was obliterated.

Second, we will greatly increase security in schools, not because something has happened, but because in designing the monitoring system with cameras, we have actually included schools. In fact, the entire school life process will be transparent and monitorable by anyone who wants to know—this is not Big Brother. Anyone who wants to know will be able to do so. If a parent wants to know what happened, if the public opinion wants to know in case of a serious incident, if the school principal wants to track the progress of lessons, everything will be documented and transparent. Similarly, access to schools will be at a very high level of security. It will be impossible for anything to be smuggled in through pockets. This will significantly increase security levels. It’s a project we’ve been working on for over a year. It has been an extraordinary success in the places where it has been implemented, and it has led to a decrease in all types of problems—bullying, absences, disorder, lack of focus in lessons, mobile phones, etc. It will be one of the proudest achievements of our fourth term.

As for the organization, you know there has been a deep renewal of the leadership of the State Police as a result of a new law, a completely different process for selecting the police leadership, which has involved the entire pyramid, from the highest leaders to the heads of districts and police stations. Today, we actually have a younger, more motivated police leadership, and we believe this is because they have all been promoted to positions, they haven’t held before. We’ll see how they perform, but I am confident- and we are confident—that the State Police will take its performance to the next level, which has already improved in relative terms, but is now necessarily measurable against EU standards. This is why more must still be done.

I won’t go into the many details here, but one thing I want to emphasize at the end of this section is that, thanks to the cooperation with the Special Prosecution and the intensive work done, today we are at a completely different level. I speak about facts and figures, not perceptions, in terms of the strength the state has gained and the ground lost by organized crime. Similarly, we are at a completely different level when it comes to the results in the fight against trafficking and drugs.

Allow me to offer a suggestion, not as a Prime Minister, but as a fellow citizen of this country: Do not allow others—whether they are Albanians or foreigners—to paint Albania as a country of crime and drugs with the greatest ease, because it is not.

It’s very simple. If it were that easy, EU membership wouldn’t have been negotiated. If it were, I wouldn’t have the plan, approved jointly with the European Commission for the end of 2027, at my table, alongside all the negotiators at theirs. It simply wouldn’t have happened. I was here at this table in 2013 when we were asking for candidate status, and they said, “Three laws, three laws only.” Not only were there not three laws, but it was an attitude that made you feel ashamed of the passport you held.

I was also here in 2014 and 2015 when we began a major battle against crime, cannabis, and so on. And not only was it not enough, but today, the situation is completely different. If today the special prosecutors of the Republic of Albania are being sought after in Europe and Latin America, they are called upon as trusted allies, not as tourists. If today Eurojust and other institutions are producing entirely different reports about the Republic of Albania, where once these reports would have obscured the line between diplomacy and hidden agendas, it’s not because I wear white sneakers—although, as you’ve seen, they are necessary—but because the facts and figures speak for themselves.

So, if you do this to this country, understand that you’re not doing it to the country as you might have read about in books about war heroes, but you’re doing it to your own family and to the children you will have tomorrow, or those you have today. Because one thing is the internal debate, the power struggle, or whatever you want to call it, but it’s completely different when, while thinking you’re fighting and bringing home material rewards from that struggle, you’re doing it in collaboration with others for those who are at home. And this is not rhetoric; it’s very simple, but it’s not the time to delve further into it.

Now, moving to the defense sector, we’ve seen a major transformation in our Armed Forces. This is evident in one key fact: for 70 spots at the Military Academy, there were 1,114 applications from high school graduates competing. A few years ago, no one could have imagined such a number. In terms of infrastructure, logistics, and conditions, our Armed Forces are now at NATO standards. But we still believe that, even though we’ve significantly raised their salaries, making them the second-highest-paid military in the region, we need to continue increasing their pay to bring it to the NATO average. And we will do this.

There is no doubt that we will do this. Furthermore, today we have an expanded fleet of combat helicopters; we have Bayraktar drones; we have a functional NATO tactical air base; the Gjadër air base is being restored for the deployment and training of Black Hawk helicopters; we have an entirely new and innovative defense structure for the army, in addition to the national structure; and we now have a new Center of Excellence for Technology and Innovation, located near the Army Museum. Additionally, we have another innovation: the prototype of the new Albanian military vehicle, Shota, which was showcased at the Paris Fair. Starting at the end of next year, we will have a domestically produced military vehicle.

Another change is the Ministry of Defense’s approach to the army’s assets by effectively integrating them, following the example of many other NATO countries. We will establish a dedicated department for asset development, which we will prioritize for tourism purposes. The Ministry of Defense will no longer be the body releasing assets, but rather the one involved in their development. Of course, in special cases, this will depend on the situation.

These are the main points I wanted to share. In fact, there’s more, but since I believe I’ve broken the record for the length of a year-end conference regarding my section, I will give some time for questions.

Q&A

11 years ago, you thought it was the system that corrupted the individual. Today, after 11 years, with many high-ranking officials in the central and local government facing justice, do you still think the same, Mr. Rama?

Prime Minister Edi Rama: First of all, it’s surprising to me that I have been answering this question for years and this question continues to be asked. I don’t know what is not understood about what I say, and whether you agree or disagree is your freedom, but I want to remind you that what is happening with justice is not disconnected from what I have said, they are connected because when I said that it is not people who corrupt the system, but the system that corrupts people, first of all, I didn’t say something I invented, this is public knowledge. I learned it and I believe it 100%, and secondly, precisely because I believed what I said, I led the justice reform as part of the battle to build a system that people cannot corrupt. So when you talk about how many people, first of all, I don’t know what you mean by “how many,” because many or few is relative and depends on the point of reference you use to say many or few. The Socialist Party has 800,000 supporters, and will have even more in the spring. There’s a number, I haven’t counted, but I believe there must have been over 50 ministers during these three terms, probably over 50, and if we consider the time before the decentralization reform, local government, over 500-600 local leaders. There may have been over 200 deputies. So, what does “many” mean now? Many what, first of all?

Secondly, of course, anyone can say that the justice reform was brought by America with an airplane, you can say that. You can say that the EU brought the reform with a ship from Brindisi. Meanwhile, anyone who knows or wants to know the history of the justice reform just needs to look back in history when we were in opposition, long before 2013, because there are documents, written documents. There is a written document from the opposition at that time, now you are used to an opposition without writing or reading, but the opposition of that time sent to the government of that time. A proposal document called the Pact for the Rule of Law, the Pact for the Rule of Law. It’s a document, look for it and read what that pact says. There are also later notes from meetings for the Socialist Party’s program in opposition, “we will do the Justice Reform” – “No, we can’t do it because constitutional changes are needed and we can’t include it in the program.” – “We will do it.” “How will we do it if we won’t get 94 votes, we won’t get even 84 votes.” – “We will do it, we will take justice out of the hands of political power, let it cost, whatever it costs.” These are written facts, done, there are countless witnesses, and you have the main witness in front of you. You are surprisingly under the impression that when you tell me, “forget it, some are completely done, they are out, I’m done, they took everything, they caught everything.” Who caught me? This is a big surprise. Nevertheless, no problem, everyone has their own perspective.

What I can tell you is that if this is happening in Albania, I don’t want to get into comments or discussions. I don’t want to comment; I’ve said this before. If this is happening in Albania, the right to claim authorship for the fact that a system has collapsed, I have said, you have it recorded from the late president who is no longer with us, to others who criticized me when I said we would demolish this justice system, has it collapsed or not? I’m speaking about the architecture, because then we can discuss many things that don’t work, but as architecture, has it collapsed or not? Will we clean the mud from the justice system? These are things I said long before the reform was done. A large part of the mud has been cleaned, not all of it, but a large part of the mud has been cleaned, right? It was cleaned through the vetting process, wasn’t it? Now, how was it, how was it? Who are you talking to, who are you saying this to, and do you think that when I have repeatedly said we want justice that is fair, neither left nor right, and when it’s time to strike, it strikes who needs to be struck, left and right, do you think I was just doing rhetoric for fun?

I think everything I say and keep in mind, in the sense that I believe it, things I don’t believe I don’t say. And find me a prime minister in all of Europe, I’m not talking about Nordic countries, I’m talking about anyone, who hasn’t made a comment on a specific issue, one. And tell me who, bring them to me, why? Because I make comments even on your work, do you think I don’t have comments to make, I have plenty, but this is a strategic decision, it’s not that we’ve taken our hands off that power, it’s the first time in the history of this country, or prove me wrong with facts, not words. When history is read, it seems like it was made by people who came from the Moon. No, that’s how it was with those who made the history we read. They were people, like you, like me, like us. This is a time that is becoming history in Albania. And I have told you, I’m not here to eat chickens, nor to enjoy life the way those who have more cars than socks understand the enjoyment of life. I’m here for history, and we in this time are making history. Now, if you want to get into specific things, we can discuss as much as you want, but don’t forget one thing, it’s the first time since 1912, as I said before, I will say it again, give me facts, show me when Albania has had a trial, a process that was not influenced by political power, not oriented by political power, not dictated by political power, which has sent someone connected to political power to prison. When I say political power, I mean the people in power, I don’t just mean the government. Just show me one case, one, ‘one’! There hasn’t been any. There hasn’t been for various reasons in history. There have been different phases in history, and there has not been a justice system as it should be. They say that there was, and it’s debatable, good justice in Zog’s time. Fine! There may have been at a certain level, but not for Zog’s ministers, not for Zog’s collaborators, for those Zog wanted. Then, for those the tiger wanted, I mean the real tiger, the one from communism. Later, whether the magpie wanted or didn’t want. I mean the crow we had in the form of a magpie for several years, now it’s a crow. So, today it is like this, so what are you asking me about?!

 

Mr. Prime Minister, my question is based on two assessments you recently made regarding the prosecutors of SPAK and their contribution to the fight against organized crime. A few years ago, when the U.S. Department of State recognized Mr. Ardian Dvorani as an anti-corruption champion, you dedicated a lengthy comment to this and later referred to this development from Washington as a personal recognition for Mr. Dvorani and for the justice reform. However, three weeks ago, the U.S. Department of State named Mr. Altin Dumani an anti-corruption champion, yet you did not offer any congratulations or comment. Why is that?

Prime Minister Edi Rama: In what year did that happen, first?

 About 3-4 years ago.

Prime Minister Edi Rama: Give me the exact year.

Two years ago.

Prime Minister Edi Rama: Memory does its work, why do I say that? Because the specific year may not matter, but the two situations are completely different contexts. This is not the same context. These are two entirely different contexts, and I don’t understand how you missed the only question you had the chance to ask: why did one man congratulate another and not the other? You’ve surprised me!

Mr. Rama, you spoke today about many issues, and from time to time, you mentioned the media, saying among other things that many news items have not been broadcast, that we have not transmitted them. My question relates to the closure of the ministries in Albania. None of the ministers, throughout the year, have held a press conference—not even a statement. The mayors, specifically Mr. Veliaj, who from the very first day he took office, has not held a single press conference for journalists. Perhaps that’s why some news has not been aired. In the process of aligning with the European Union, will you advise next year that your ministries become more transparent, as well as the Agency for Media and Information, which has effectively “bunkered” all information?

Prime Minister Edi Rama: I’m not sure how serious you are with this question, because ministers go out every week, right there at the steps, and answer all the questions. Now, you’ve introduced a word about propaganda. If facts are propaganda and half-truths are facts, then we live, and it’s true, we live in a time when many things have been turned upside down, not just in Albania, but around the world. Maybe, and not maybe—I’m now convinced—everything I did today for you is propaganda, and I’m not discussing it at all. Exactly.

Meanwhile, what did I do? I took advantage of this year-end event, and year-end conferences, as you can see even when they are held in democratic countries by prime ministers, are often quite long. I took the opportunity to share facts with the public, not propaganda. The problem is that these facts, to a large extent, contradict what many people are telling the public every day. They contradict! But these are facts! It’s not propaganda! These are facts!

As for the agency you mentioned, the Agency responds in real time, not tomorrow. In real time, within the same day, and I know this as a fact—not as an opinion—because I receive weekly reports on what journalists are requesting and how the agency is responding. So, I’m very sorry. You need to verify the number to ensure it’s correct, where you send your questions, because you should be sure—because the Agency responds within the day, even though the deadlines are different, as you know, they are not always within the day.

And finally, I don’t know if you’ve seen it, but if you haven’t reported it, we’ve launched a new platform called “Transparent Albania,” and it has started to be populated with data. I believe that by mid-next year it will be a platform where you, and anyone else, can learn in real time everything the Government of the Republic of Albania does: every penny it spends, every contract, every decision—not just the government, but also the ministries. We will also have a special section on that platform to enhance our transparency in relation to many of the half-truths that are published on your platforms, which, as a saying I like to repeat, “The greatest lies are half-truths.’’

Regarding the government’s recent decision to ban TikTok, which you also mentioned in your speech, this decision has sparked quite a bit of skepticism, as well as accusations from your political opponents that, according to them, this decision wasn’t made to protect children but for electoral purposes. In fact, the Romanian case also shows that Russia used TikTok to influence elections. Are you worried about this?

Prime Minister Edi Rama: I can’t change others. Others are who they are, whoever they may be, and we can’t change them. It’s not in my culture to say to someone, “You did this because you had this in mind,” without having any evidence. I don’t have that in my culture. If I say to someone, “You did this,” I must have at least one piece of evidence or we can then debate the opinions of the other person. But I don’t wage war with facts, nor do I fight the other person by presenting my opinions as facts, and I don’t accept being fought that way either.

 

Mr. Prime Minister, again on justice. I know you won’t talk about justice or judicial decisions, as this happens in every conference, but you make decisions on political cooperation. Starting with the case of Erion Veliaj, one of the key figures in the Socialist Party, not only as the Mayor of Tirana but also as a political leader—does the political life of Erion Veliaj in the Socialist Party get affected after the investigation against him by SPAK?

Prime Minister Edi Rama: Temporarily, I know that Erion Veliaj’s family life is affected by the public trial not done by the relevant institution but by all those involved in that trial. His dignity is affected by prosecutors and judges sitting in media clubs or hiding behind the screens of portals and social media. I know this for sure. As for the other part, no one is exempt from what I have said from the beginning. I do not comment on matters that belong to the institutions of justice. I can comment, up to today, but this may change. When it changes, there will be a very strong reason, and then I will share it with you, but until today this is my position. I can comment on a final decision, as I have done regarding a defamatory decision, which was one of the fairest and most welcome decisions for me in this country where slander has become king and truth has been turned into a slave. As for the specific case, it does not make an exception, but it is a bit, yet certain, that the public lynching of the mayor is disgusting and that the search for the guillotine for him is scandalous. These are comments, since you asked, but I have no more to say on this matter.

 

During this year, the opposition has held a series of protests or what they call “civil disobedience,” with their main demand being the establishment of…

 

Prime Minister Edi Rama: Let me help you. Don’t waste your question on things that are not part of the government’s year-end report and things that, frankly, don’t have any of my attention. Don’t waste your question because, as I said, it’s outside my scope of interest to spend precious minutes of my remaining life dealing with the subject of your question.

 

During the speech you gave here, you mentioned a series of achievements the government has made in various sectors, but can you tell us one mistake the government made this year, or has it been a perfect government that deserved Santa Claus’s gift this year?

 

Prime Minister Edi Rama: Regarding mistakes, I can assure you that, I believe, we must have made, not just one, but more than one for sure, and I say this without any irony, because when so many decisions are made at all levels, it’s inevitable that some decisions will stumble for one reason or another…

What doesn’t worry me are mistakes that result as such when a decision is made with the intention of doing the right thing. What is unacceptable are mistakes made intentionally to exploit decision-making power for other benefits. For these, each person responds individually. As for decisions that, upon reflection, one might think were made at the wrong time, or in the wrong form, or through the wrong approach, be sure that there are more than one in all this volume of work we are doing. But in the bigger picture, I believe the facts and results speak for themselves.

 

Mr. Prime Minister, you spoke extensively about the new justice system, and in fact, a concrete request has come from the new justice system—specifically, the request from SPAK to extend the mandate of its prosecutors. In fact, the request has been made to the Parliament, but it certainly requires political will, as it involves constitutional changes, and as the leader of the majority, you have not clearly and decisively spoken about this issue. My question is, will the majority, the Socialist Party, proceed with these changes, and will there be a request for cooperation from the opposition, given that 94 votes are required?

 

Prime Minister Edi Rama: So, you’re asking me a question for 2028, on the eve of 2025? Thank you for not hiding it, you know I will be here in 2028, but what I want to say, taking the opportunity from your question, is something else. If we look back at the Justice Reform, since it began, and if you find any statement of mine throughout the process, one that says, “This must be done this way, that way,” please share it with me, but I don’t think there is any. What I have said and what I did back then was, “We lead this reform. Whether you like it or not, you will come and vote for it.” Everything we write has two red lines: the opinion of the United States and the European Union. If these two red lines are not touched, meaning every part of the reform gets their approval, I personally vote for it without any discussion, and that’s what I did. Personally. And I knew what would come.

I’m not talking about specific names, I’m talking about the spirit—both the big and positive things as well as the negative things—I expected them. Because naturally, there are also negative aspects in this whole phase, as we’re talking about building a new state de facto in the judicial branch. A completely new state, with a completely new structure. As for the specific question, I have no opinion, no hurry. And if I have an opinion, I will have it once I form it through discussions with those who should handle this matter. We, as you know, have a commission in Parliament that will continue in the next mandate. Whether it will continue in its current form or become a new parliamentary mechanism to follow the process until Albania’s accession to the EU for all reforms and for all institutional performance, we’ll see. But it will continue! And all these matters will be discussed there. That’s the gravity of the whole thing, and then we’ll see.

 

Mr. Prime Minister, if the Special Structure of SPAK (the Special Prosecution Against Corruption) takes action against Mayor Erion Veliaj, will the Socialist Party follow the same tradition? Will you ask for Veliaj’s dismissal and simultaneously remove him from the political leadership of the Tirana district? And as part of this question, considering you know politics well, you are a career politician, do you have any doubts about who Nesti Angoni is, the person who filed a complaint with SPAK and later SPAK issued a statement with three serious charges against Mayor Veliaj, including hiding wealth, criminal activity, and so on?

 

Prime Minister Edi Rama: Please, don’t push me into commenting on this case. I will not comment!
You made me laugh with what I should say about who this Nesti might be. I’m not commenting, please. Don’t push me into this, because I believe this case is very specific for many reasons. But I have no comment, and until now, I haven’t seen any specific accusations against any individual. I’ve followed it, but I haven’t seen anything like that. Anyway, personally, I do not wish to make any comment, and naturally, no representative of the Socialist Party is allowed to make any comment. We’ll follow the process, which you are following not just with attention, but with great curiosity. We are following it attentively, but without any curiosity.

 

Mr. Prime Minister, since you’ve rejected 12 questions from us, we are now moving on to the 13th question, which we haven’t addressed yet—about the upcoming parliamentary elections.

Prime Minister Edi Rama: What did I do with the first 12 questions?

You rejected the first 12 questions.

Prime Minister Edi Rama: Why did you ask 13 questions then?

 Well, apparently, over this long period, it was enough for us to organize all 13.Regarding the next parliamentary elections, since you have repeatedly avoided the opposition, as you just said earlier not to ask questions about them, there are some new political figures who seem to have some support among citizens. Are they a threat to the Socialist Party in the upcoming elections? I’m referring here to Lapaj, Qorri, Shabani, and Shehaj.

Prime Minister Edi Rama: So, all of them together, Lapaj, Qorri, Shabani, Shehaj?

They could be together, that’s why I’m saying they might pose a risk.

Prime Minister Edi Rama: No, I get a bit confused when I speak like that, but there is no opponent or alternative on the field, so it’s not a risk. It reminds me of when I played basketball, it wasn’t a risk that “Vllaznia” would beat us. It was a possibility. A possibility. Elections are like opponents. The biggest opponent of the Socialist Party, I have said this for a long time, is the Socialist Party itself.
Here, we are fighting for second place, and we are fighting for second place for a very simple reason. Because the Socialist Party is the only popular force. Others are not popular forces; they are forces of specific segments of society, but the Socialist Party is a popular party. Much work has been done, and much work is being done to ensure this. It’s not something that just happens because it’s on television. When your more experienced but also more confused colleagues make comments late at night on sofas, in the territory of Albania, we might be holding 600 organizational meetings. We no longer have time—I don’t have time to watch, and I don’t think we have time to follow your debates. We hold meetings, we organize, and this is real. While they are in debates and discussing the sex of angels, we might be holding 600 organizational meetings in the territory of Albania. How can this party lose?
But the fight for second place seems strong. This is the truth. The second place is not secure for anyone.
The one closest to second place is the one not yet in the race. Because normally, second place, under our system, should give you access to the majority.

Mr. Prime Minister, you have supported the most vulnerable categories, pensioners, people with disabilities, and other social categories. You supported them with the end-of-year bonus. You have promised another bonus for next year, and you also mentioned here during the press conference that you have started drafting a new scheme for pensioners. Will the government complete this scheme by next year, and given the economic growth that the state budget has experienced over these years, as you declared here, what do you anticipate the maximum pension limits to be, and will this happen next year?

Prime Minister Edi Rama: This is a discussion that is taking place at the level of experts, with experts and international institutions. Next year, sometime in the first half of the year, we will organize an international conference to share a lot regarding this topic, but it’s too early to talk about it yet.

:Regarding the preparations for the elections that the Socialist Party is undertaking, have you considered the idea you proposed a few years ago about verifying, or if I may say, vetting the entire list of candidates for MPs that the Socialist Party will present in the next parliamentary elections?

And another question, I’ve asked you this before. Have you decided where you will run? Perhaps in Shkoder?

Prime Minister Edi Rama: The idea I had back then, I still have it, but it didn’t find support because, as I’ve mentioned before, you think everything I propose happens without resistance. In fact, there are many things we discuss internally, and in some cases, I am not involved at all, or sometimes, I am completely alone, so I withdraw. This is true. The idea was that we would extend the preparation time for the lists, and give the parties the opportunity to send all possible names for verification to institutions that could verify them, naturally with their approval. So, yes, you are one of the candidates, but we will send your name for verification. Agreed? Yes. Not agreed, under rules. Why? Because it’s unfair, very unfair, that a political party would be forced to investigate someone’s past, a past that they have not even declared, and it doesn’t appear in any of the information sources that are accessible. We have gone very far with this legislation, no one in Europe has this. You know that. We have gone very far for our own reasons, for our country. But in Italy, for example, after the rehabilitation period for a person is completed, no records remain. They do not exist. They are there, but they don’t exist; you can’t find them. To enter those labyrinths in other countries, you need to use mechanisms from institutions that can do this because of their status, not the government. It must be done by a justice institution. Naturally, this would take a longer time. Perhaps those who have opposed this, even within our party, have reasonable arguments because the verification time took too long. But otherwise, the risk is always that despite all the efforts you may make, as in the case of the candidate for mayor of Shkoder, who is not someone you can connect in any way with crime, but at the age of 20, he was caught in a dormitory with a colleague, a student friend, with a quantity of marijuana that was illegal at the time in Italy. Today, that amount is legal.

He had hidden it everywhere. Someone, another “Nesti” knew about it, sent it, and… I don’t know, I mean, it’s like… there’s something in our genetic code following us since the time of the Ottoman Empire. Maybe we inherited this flaw from the empire.

It has no relevance here. I am practically a representative of all of Albania in a sense, so whoever chooses the Socialist Party also chooses my name in a sense. Therefore, the obligation is for everyone, and then in Vlora and Durrës, there is also the call of blood. I also have a call from Shkoder, but I don’t know. Honestly, I don’t know.

Since you turned it into a public challenge, I would like to remind you, Mr. Prime Minister…

Prime Minister Edi Rama: Which one?

A decision of the new justice system, which you have not only commented on but also openly opposed. It is the preventive seizure of the Limion naval base in Saranda, which is an order from the SPAK (Special Prosecution against Corruption and Organized Crime), and there are three court decisions. Together with the Constitutional Court, it makes four. You opposed it publicly with voice and image nine months ago. Now, according to the Supreme Court, the preventive seizure has been placed there to prevent a threat to national security because, with your signature, you allowed it to be privatized by two well-known businesses in Albania. Now that the court is protecting national security, what interests are you defending here? Thank you.

Prime Minister Edi Rama: Yes, that’s true, but I have kept in mind — I haven’t commented on this reiteration — that I was asked about individuals. The specific case is true. It is an unimaginable scandal; it is the most brutal interference in the independence of the executive branch. The Constitution of the Republic says that there are three powers, each independent of the other. What does this mean? It means that the judiciary is independent of the executive power and has its own set of responsibilities, right, which the executive cannot perform. But the executive is also independent from the judiciary and the legislature, the judiciary. What does this mean? It means the right to decide, which is simultaneously an obligation to make decisions, derives from the mandate of the people, who elect the government through Parliament. So, here we come to the independence of Parliament from the judiciary. It’s another power. In the case we had now in the end, no level of the judiciary can tell Parliament how to raise its hand. It cannot because it interferes with its independence. The judiciary cannot tell the government any level of how it should decide on the so-called base. If you go there, and if you have a bit of a sense of humor, you’d need to hold your stomach with your hand when you see the threat to security, because that’s a whole different story, the threat to national security, which is part of a heavy farce that is being made with a key element of the government’s program. It’s an electoral program. A representative of another power cannot prevent the government from implementing the program it was elected for. In my electoral program, I promised a tourist port. It hasn’t been privatized, you’re mistaken, and it doesn’t matter, I don’t want to make this a polemic with you, but you’re wrong. It has not been given in concession. You’re mistaken, if you think so. It has been leased. That part is still the property of the military, even today, and will remain so even after the investment. In fact, the military will gain more from this investment than it has now. So, calling it a base — if our national security depends on that Limion there, I, along with you, let’s take the first plane and leave, because we’d be invaded. And I’m sorry for the length, but this is truly a huge scandal. The blind force has blocked an investment that today could have brought 300 million euros into the economy, would have increased the number of high-level tourists, and would have ensured that those boats, those yachts that go and dock in Montenegro, that go to Greece, that go to Croatia — and from which municipalities and the state earn a lot of revenue during the time they are docked, because it’s a very big business — part of them would come to Albania. This confusion, this intervention, not just with the nose, but with the nose and hands, into the executive’s right to make decisions, has led to this. Whoever is responsible for ensuring how decisions are implemented, and whether there is corruption or gross violations of the law in their execution, cannot be in the executive branch. But, the one who has the right to take decisions and to make reforms cannot be stopped by the judiciary. What does this mean? It’s the vote, it’s the vote, because otherwise, we would have to go and ask the judiciary whether we should make this decision or not. It’s the vote that decides. The judiciary cannot determine what national security is, because it cannot at all, it has nothing to do with it. This decision shows what I said earlier: there are many flaws in this phase when a new system is being built. And certainly, this is one of the cases, or for me, it is the most glaring example of what can happen when power is abused, by completely entering the territory of another power. The powers are separate, period. And naturally, the right, in this case, my comment, as I said, is related to the work I do, with the duty I have, how do I explain to you that this is total madness, apart from everything else, because there is nothing there that you can say, “Wait a second.” It’s a complete absurdity that the country, which has the duty to protect it, the military should protect, an individual who should look at a case and decide. Are we going to have them go to the prosecutor or the court to guide us on how we orient our national security policy? It’s unheard of, it’s an absurdity. For this reason, I have commented, and I am commenting again because it’s related to the work of the government, it’s related to a brutal intervention in the unquestionable competences of the executive branch. This is the change. You were right, I had separated this differently.

I have three questions. First, who drafted the list of candidates, deputies for the Durrës district in the 2021 elections, a list that you signed? Is this the responsibility of the political leader of the district, or is it your responsibility? Second, can you tell us if Ergys Agasi holds an official position in the Socialist Party, specifically in the Durrës district, and what is your relationship with him? And third, in 2017, you expelled Samir Tahiri from the Socialist Party parliamentary group, saying he would remain a free deputy until the completion of the investigation, while in the case of Erion Veliaj, he is under investigation by  SPAK, and yet you have not distanced him from your party. Do you think you have acted with double standards in these cases, and do you think the fact that this official remains in office influences the investigation or the decision the judiciary will take regarding him?

Prime Minister Edi Rama: I believe I answered this question, but I can answer again. Comparisons, in general, fall short, but this one is completely legless because we are dealing with two cases, two contexts, and two entirely different phases. First. Second, here we are in a situation where Erion Veliaj has been investigated, judged, and convicted in the court of politics and those media outlets that are engaged in creating alternative justice. Alternative justice means using politics and media communication to let a specific collective of people decide when the SPAK is seen as a criminal organization, when the SPAK is a prosecutor, when a case is like this, but it should be worse, when a case is not like this at all. And precisely in the conditions where this court and alternative prosecution have been activated so much to publicly lynch a leader of the Socialist Party from the leadership group of the Socialist Party, the mayor of Tirana, elected for three consecutive terms, a protagonist of the city’s transformation, supported naturally by the government and the Socialist Party, then here we are in conditions where there is much to think about and reflect upon. Meanwhile, we are not in a situation where any public charges have been raised, with all the relevant arguments. We are in a situation where there are words, rumors, SMS messages, an SMS without a name, meaning it’s not clear to whom it is directed, how it was raised, so we are in conditions very similar to a pigsty that cannot be the reason to take any stance today. We will see the evolution, and at the right time, we will take our stance.
As for the other matter, I do not answer questions that arise from the filth flowing through the channels of those phone systems of criminals. I don’t even approach them. Someone sent me a message about a crime analyst you had posted a photo of a wanted person, while, as I’ve seen over the years and understood, there are others who are, who knows what in relation to that person, who go to Parliament and the media and make a fuss, and then send messages saying this is how politics works.
Because of a weakness I cannot explain to myself, I answered two questions, not one, in fact, I gave one to the others. So, I think we should let the colleague speak.
You can criticize all of Albania, I am not here to criticize people. That’s all!

To focus on informality in business, a campaign that has been launched by you and others, where all businesses operating informally will be tracked through artificial intelligence. Given that we are at the end of this year, what initiatives have been undertaken regarding tracking through artificial intelligence?

Prime Minister Edi Rama: We are building that program, and I believe that in the first quarter of the next year, it will be completed and we will begin to see it operational. But it is a very complex program that we are building together with Microsoft.

I believe this year is now concluded. A successful year for you and “so failed” for the government, and I believe that despite everything, you truly deserve, not formally, the expression of respect for the work you do. Maybe you don’t believe it, and it’s your choice not to believe it, but I know what it’s like to work with three bosses over your head and on top of the third boss, there is another boss who doesn’t even know where he is, as there are cases like that. So, for all the work you do, and the effort, time, and energy you expend, respect. Meanwhile, I sincerely wish that you have all the inspiration, passion, health — and certainly health, not just for yourself but for your family as well, for your parents, spouses, loved ones, children, and everyone your heart cares about. Happy New Year and all the best for you and everyone you wish to see well! I want to see everyone doing well, without distinction! Thank you very much!