*Speech by Prime Minister Edi Rama at conference on the EU enlargement to the Western Balkans:
Thank you for hosting this gathering and providing us all the opportunity to share some opinions and viewpoints together with “Fridrih Ebert Stiftung” Foundation.
I believe it is not a bad idea at all to first and foremost underline how much we appreciate what happened few days ago in Brussels. Frankly and without any exaggeration, words are not enough to express the gratitude for everyone that participated in this extraordinary unified effort, which brought together all EU member states and beyond.
Of course, this wouldn’t have been possible without the European Union, without the Commission and first and foremost without the President of the European Commission, who was personally engaged since the very first moment in the aftermath of the earthquake. Somehow, I must say it was a great relief for the Albanian nation, not only because of the funds that were raised, but, beyond that, because of the very strong signal of respect and care towards the Albanian people and Albania.
As I already said there, the November earthquake was devastating and left us with a lot of wounds. But it happened after another earthquake, that of October, which was not physical, but a political one that shook souls and not the ground of the country by the refusal to come up with a decision to open the accession talks with Albania.
Of course, we fully understand this refusal was the result of some important infights within the European Union that materialized in debates and disputes about us and North Macedonia and the EU enlargement as such, while we know quite well that this internal infights have to do not only with this, but also other fundamental things that define the way how the EU and the Commission function today.
Of course, it is fully legitimate to see and understand that some of the founders of the European Union, like France for example, have their own frustrations and their own different opinions on how the EU functions. And it is equally absolutely understandable that while we keep trying and trying constantly to come closer and access this common home, those who own this house now have the right to say how the house can function better. One may agree or disagree with these claims, but this is the reality and there is no point to question the legitimacy of these claims.
However, one thing is quite frustrating, because all these being said it becomes quite disturbing the fact that these remain infights, when it comes to provide reasons why this refusal happened, there is not such straightforwardness and a lot of reasons are hidden behind some very stereotypical conclusions, or behind a stereotypical message that is actually an insult to the country. I mean there is no doubt that Albania or any other country in this phase of the integration path, as it has been the case with other countries before, are not at all problem-free countries. By no doubt, all the key words of the messages like the organized crime, corruption, public administration deficiencies and inefficiency and so on are real challenges and real problems that need to be tackled. There is no doubt about it. Because, if these problems and challenges were not real and serious at this stage, then why should we ask for the accession negotiations to open. Instead, we would have asked to become EU members immediately. To what goal the accession talks serve, after all? They are made to help these countries improve precisely in this aspects and offer every country a roadmap on how democratic and state building processes take place step by step.
On the other hand, it is very clear that the process has become increasingly difficult, increasingly disappointing and increasingly unfair for the aspiring countries. This is the reason why Albania has more than any other country made steps forward before opening the accessions talks, including the countries that have previously opened these negotiations. And this is true not only for Albania. This is true for every country in the line. If we were to see how this process went for Poland and previous frontrunners of the integration and other countries previously in this line, if we were to see it now, the process has become increasingly demanding, more and more unfair and difficult because the requests have become more detailed and sometimes even restricting.
However, this is OK, but there should be a point where there is an end to it, because this is like an exercise that has no end. At any moment, when one, two, three, four or five countries face their own problems, have their own actual dynamics and need to say “No”, they can have the possibility to find excuses by pointing a finger to the countries to which they are saying “no’, not because of that country itself, but because of their own problems. We know it very well, not just because of the facts, but also from the discussion we have launched. They have their own problems.
And not to get longer with that, I would say I see France as the most honest broker in that discussion, because President Macron has a position that is quite open, quite straightforward and quite brutal, I would say. They are saying that Europe as it is, doesn’t function. You can question it, you can agree or disagree with that, but the truth said by him and them, as they see it, and it is not like playing around by saying we want it very much now, but Albania is not ready, because it has yet so many problems and because of this or that, like others actually prefer to say it.
The good news is that this has opened a good debate and has brought some important changes to the methodology of accession, which looks good for both, for the candidate countries and the Commission and the European Union and may be it will make the process clearer and fairer. I am saying “may be”, because we know that the devil hides in details and experience has told us that for the smaller and the weaker, the rules are never enough respected, whereas there is always a way out for the bigger and the richer.
So, this is what I had to say and this is why in this whole confusing situation for us, what happened in the Donors’ Conference was amazing, a great relief, because to Albanians being in Europe means much more than simply integrating mechanically in the European Union and it is a lot about their soul, it is about their psychology as they have had to live all their life over centuries in a place of history where they couldn’t choose and adopt to regimes and different situations.
Europe has been the only place where Albanians want and have always wanted to be and will be. In the past, this seemed not only impossible, but it was also out of imagination that we now at least have a say and we can move forward and despite the formalities, opening or not opening the negotiations, we will move on the same path. Of course, it would be much better if our efforts were to be recognized, but still we don’t do it because are being asked by Berlin, Paris or Brussels. We are doing it because it is the only thing we have to do for our children.
In that aspect, I think goes also our effort for regional cooperation, the regional Schengen, which, to whomever wrongly naming it as a Mini-Schengen, this is it is real size, whatever the size of our region is, to make sure that people, goods, capital and services move freely throughout the region. And of course, in order to open up and have a bigger space for our economy, because we are small markets and we can’t afford staying within our small size, because it simply doesn’t work and it doesn’t provide all we can get from the potentials of the space we live in. And not only that, but it is totally the contrary of the criticism levelled against this initiative, as it doesn’t create an alternative to the European Union. No. It makes the EU integration more thorough and easier, I would say, because as I understand from the new methodology, there is also a regional element included in it. Sooner rather than later, our countries will be measured not only by what we do internally, but also how we behave around. Which is right.
Therefore, if for the time being we stand no chance of integrating into the space of four freedoms of the European Union, we have now the opportunity to do it in the region. While individually need to work to be valued and rewarded vis-à-vis the country’s integration, regionally we can do this in parallel and it is beneficial to everyone, it is beneficial to people, for the workers, for entrepreneurs, for tourists, for everyone. And it’s not at all similar to the European Union at one point, because we don’t need a consensus on everything. It’s very open, very flexible, it’s free for everyone. It is not built on the consensus mechanism that anyone who is part of this initiative has to agree on everything, or those who do not want to agree on something block everyone else. No; every country, every state makes their own decisions. If you are going to make the freedom of movement of people, of goods with three countries, you can do it with three countries. If you don’t do it with all countries, don’t do it with all countries, but you have to be part of the initiative to accept the principles and let others do what they want to do.
That’s why I am saying that the freedom of movement of people is only possible by having everyone on board. Otherwise, it doesn’t work, because once a country leaves this initiative with no agreement of whatsoever in principle with other countries, for sure there is always an opportunity in the Balkans to say they are doing it for “greater this” and “greater that”. If were to say for example – we say it and we have said it previously but it hasn’t worked – that we will open the border with Kosovo to have the free movement of people and it might not be Belgrade the one to oppose it, but Washington and Brussels would say “no way.” At the moment we were moving along this path in October, we had several alerts from Brussels to be careful not to consider any move of other kind if the outcome was to be negative, or precisely not to consider opening of the border. Why?
Because you can’t do it unless others do not agree on the basis of the very same principle. So, if Kosovo is part of this initiative, it is not obliged to do the same with both Albania and Serbia. It is very simple. And this is what we have agreed upon with Serbia; that Serbia should not and cannot put any veto, any condition or any prejudice on how other countries and other states wish to move within this initiative. So, saying “No” to it, is like saying “No” to history and the future. And I am sure this will bring together everyone. I am sure that sooner rather than later we will all be part of this initiative, because it is impossible to keep refusing and rejecting things that are such obvious and that have no problem of whatsoever.
Of course it is not necessary to agree on everything, it is very simple. I say this, based on these huge disputes. We have no reason why. Our attitude towards Kosovo is very clear. Our position towards Serbia is also very clear and it does not change, but by doing what we are trying to do, we believe we create more opportunities for a more persistent and sustainable dialogue.
Thank you again and I apologize for talking maybe a little too long, but the Balkans is a long story.
*Simultaneous interpretation