Albania UN Security Council presidency chairs high-level debate on Ukraine.
Albania’s September UN Security Council presidency chaired today an important high-level open debate titled “Upholding the purposes and principles of the UN Charter through effective multilateralism: Maintenance of peace and security of Ukraine.”
The high-level debate was chaired by the Prime Minister Edi Rama, with participation of the heads of state and government of the UN Security Council members, UN members, including Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, who expressed their views and exchanged ideas, not only about the ongoing war and its consequences for Ukraine and its people, but also about the impact the war is having on international peace and security, economic development and multilateral action.
For the first time since the start of the war, President Zelenskyy attended the UN and the Security Council meetings.
The high-level meeting aims to promote the need for cooperation among countries to prevent violation of international law and to promote peaceful resolution of conflicts through diplomatic means and dialogue.
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Prime Minister Edi Rama: The meeting of the Security Council is called to order. The provisional agenda for this meeting is Maintenance of International Peace and Security, upholding the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter through effective multilateralism: Maintenance of peace and security of Ukraine.
The agenda is adopted.
I would like to warmly welcome the Secretary General, distinguished presidents, prime ministers, and other high level representatives present in the Security Council chamber.
Your presence today underscores the importance of the subject matter under discussion.
In accordance with rule 37 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite representatives of Argentina, Australia, Austria, Belarus, Belgium, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Canada, Chile, Croatia Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Germany, Greece, Guatemala, Hungary, India, Indonesia, Ireland, Italy, Kuwait, Latvia, Lichtenstein, Lithuania, Mexico, Montenegro, the Kingdom of the Netherlands, North Macedonia, Panama, Poland, Portugal, Qatar, the Republic of Korea, Romania, Sierra Leone, Slovakia, Slovenia, South Africa, Spain, Türkiye, Ukraine and the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela to participate in the meeting.
In accordance with rule 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I also invite the following briefers to participate in this meeting: his Excellency Mr. Charles Michel, the President of the European Council, his Excellency Mr. Bujar Osmani, chairperson in office of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, and his Excellency Grand Chancellor Riccardo Paternò of the Sovereign Order of Malta.
It is so decided.
I also propose that the council invite his Excellency Archbishop Paul Richard Gallagher, Secretary for Relations with States and international organizations of the Holy See, to participate in the meeting in accordance with the provisional rules of procedure and the previous practice.
There being no objection it is so decided.
The delegation of Russian Federation has asked for the floor. Please, you have the floor.
Russian delegation representative: Mr. President, you were hasty in saying the words “it is so decided.” We had two questions; first and foremost, we wish to ask you, on what basis you propose to give the President of Ukraine, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, the floor before members of the Security Council speak, many of whom also are represented at the level of heads of state and government. And my second question; I wish to pose is on what basis are you inviting the Minister for Foreign Affairs of North Macedonia to today’s meeting, in the capacity as the chair of the OSCE?
Prime Minister Edi Rama: I take note of the remarks made by the Russian delegation and, in response; I would like to confirm that notice of the speaking order was given to all Council members in advance. In my view, it would have been preferable had this procedure, this procedural matter been resolved at a technical level prior to the start of this open debate, so that we would have been able to proceed immediately to the substance of our deliberations today.
I wish to recall that paragraph 33 of presidential note S/2017/ 507, agreed by consensus states and I quote: When non-members are invited to speak to the Security Council, those who have a direct interest in the outcome of the matter under consideration may speak prior to Council members, if appropriate, and I end the quote. Given the subject of today’s open debate, we believe that inviting President Zelenskyy to speak before the Council members amply confirms to paragraph 33 more. However giving the floor first to President Zelenskyy will provide the opportunity for the Council members and the other member states participating today in such impressive numbers to respond to his remarks. Previously, in February this year, the Russian delegation raised the same issue and was assured by then the Council president that ample precedents exist of non-council member states taking the floor before Council members.
Several cases were cited at that time and others could be mentioned. I would add that at each of the previous five Security Council meetings, in which President Zelenskyy, was invited to participate, he spoke before the Council members. I would like to assure our Russian colleagues and everyone else here that this is not a special operation by the Albanian presidency, but a continuation of a long and well-established practice of this Council. And today’s speaking order, therefore, is in full conformity with the Council’s guidelines and practices.
As for the second question, I have a certain difficulty to understand what the problem is, because the OSCE has an important role and is here because of its contribution to this meeting, considered of essence. Yes, the OSCE representative here is an Albanian from North Macedonia, but if you would be more explicit what the problem I would be happy to help you.
Russian delegation representative: With pleasure, Mr. President. We do not believe that the arguments that you have advanced are compelling. There are a number of members of the Security Council that will be represented in the hall today at the head of state level. So you try to explain why the Ukrainian President is being prioritised? However, this has nothing to do with the procedure for the Security Council. You can understand the logic. When we discussed Somalia here, the President of Somalia spoke first here, but he was the only president from among those present. There are indeed other precedents related to other files on the Security Council’s agenda, and specific practise has unfolded linked to the specificities of certain regions, which has nothing to do with the situation in Ukraine. I would like to warn you that if today you bang the gavel, there by implementing your decision, the Albanian presidency will be tainted with an egregious precedent of violating existing practice in the Security Council established practice for the benefit of one delegation, which time after time continues to demonstrate with support from the West that the rules don’t apply to it and everything is permissible.
From the beginning, Western members of the Security Council have three times pushed through the participation of Volodymyr Zelenskyy in Security Council meetings through video link. This constitutes a blatant disregard for the authority of this key body. Other leading states find time in their schedule to travel in person to New York and speak before the Council members, over the course of the 75 years of the existence of the organization, the presence at the Security Council, speaking before the Council was viewed to be a privilege. The same applies to statements from the lofty tribune of the General Assembly, instead of which during the last session, during the special session, the Kyiv representative decided to speak through video link. At the same time, Western delegations alleged that last year Volodymyr Zelenskyy was unable to leave the country due to extraordinary circumstances. These circumstances nonetheless did not prevent him from travelling to the US to visit Washington, and yet he did not deign at the time to travel personally to the United Nations. Colleagues, the violation the President of the practice of the work of the Security Council is fraught with risks of undermining the authority of the Security Council, which they are trying to transform into a one-man stand-up show. For this, the Albanian presidency convened an open debate among a large group of supporters from among the NATO members. It’s is clear for many, at least for most, that today’s meeting will be nothing more than a spectacle. I would like to stress for protocol and for those who are trying to distort our position we do not object to the participation of the Ukrainian president in this meeting, but this needs to be done in line with the rules of procedure and existing practice, according to which countries invited under rule 37 take the floor after the members of the Security Council, especially when as both members of the Council and a number of other representatives under rule 37 are represented at the head of state and government level. Turning to the participation of the Albanian Foreign Minister and of North Macedonia, I apologize, as the speaker as a current chairperson in office of the OSCE, we are appalled as this has nothing to do with his nationality. We objected his presence in this capacity and we informed the Albanian presidency about this yesterday. As far as we understand, there’s been no discussion of this or any open discussion at the building here of in Vienna Headquarters, there was no discussion according to approved principles by the permanent Council of the OSCE. Any statements by a chairperson of the OSCE in Office or any official representatives authorized by them need to be in line with their mandates and they must not depart from the consensual position of the OSCE. If the Albanian presidency insists on allowing Mr. Osmani to speak during today’s meeting, we believe that he can voice only the consensual position of this organization. I would note separately that the OSCE, due to the destructive approach adopted by Western delegations, has long not been in any way contributing to the process of resolving the Ukrainian crisis, but it has only been exacerbating the situation. We see this in attempts to advance and push through in a way that runs counter to practice. Mr. Osmani’s participation serves to Western delegations attempt to advance one-sided rules of the game. We urge members of Security Council to adopt a principal position in this issue and to speak out against such approaches. We regret that that Albanian presidency has demonstrated blatant disregard for consensual and practices of the Security Council and has instead decided to place their NATO political and ideological beliefs above the obligations of the presidency of the Security Council, which is a guardian for the procedures and should adopt an impartial position. Unfortunately, Albania has been unable to manage this today. Thank you!
Prime Minister Edi Rama: I must say that coming from you all this lecture of violating the rules in this building is quite an impressive shoot, but as far as you repeat it many times that the violation here is about the fact that President Zelenskyy speaking before the Council members, there is a solution to this, certainly if you agree about that. You stop the war and President Zelenskyy won’t take the floor. So what made him here important and what makes important for all of us to hear him first and then discuss is made from you, not from us. Thank you very much! I will take note and we will continue with our session. Do you want the floor again? OK.
Russian delegation representative: Mr President, I wish to draw your attention to the fact that you today are acting as President of the Security Council, and are not speaking in your national capacity as a representative of Albania. Your objective is to conduct a meeting as enshrined in the rules of procedure of the Security Council, instead of providing political assessments, in your capacity as the President of the Security Council. Thank you!
Prime Minister Edi Rama: I just responded to you after you addressed me as the Albanian Prime Minister, and after you kept saying incorrect things about what the procedure is here. If you don’t want me to answer as an Albanian Prime Minister, don’t provoke me as such. Anyhow, let’s keep going now.
Russian delegation representative: Mr. President, I turned to you only as the President of the Security Council. Not once did I turn to you as the Prime Minister of Albania. Once again, I stress I’m engaged in a procedural dialogue with you not in a substantive dialogue. Please refrain from political assessments at the beginning of your statement at the Council.
Prime Minister Edi Rama: It was you that talked about NATO, about Albania being in NATO, about NATO countries coming here. So all this has nothing to do with my role as President of the Council. Anyhow, can we now, with your permission, continue normally the session? Thank you very much!
The Security Council now begins its consideration of item two of the agenda. I wish to draw the attention of the Council members first to document as 2023/ 60653, a letter dated 6 September 2023 from the permanent representative of Albania to the United Nations, addressed to the President of the Security Council. I now give the floor to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, his Excellency Mr. António Guterres.
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Prime Minister Edi Rama: I thank the Secretary General for this briefing and I now give the floor to his Excellency, Mr. Volodymyr Zelenskyy, the President of Ukraine.
President of the Republic of Ukraine, Volodymyr Zelenskyy: Thank you very much! Distinguished Prime Minister Rama! I am grateful to the Albanian Presidency for arranging this meeting.
Mr. Secretary-General!
Ladies and gentlemen!
Five hundred seventy-four days of pain, losses, and struggle have already passed since the start of the full-scale aggression launched by the state, which, for some reason, is still present here among the permanent members of the UN Security Council. Russia has killed at least tens of thousands of our people and turned millions into refugees by destroying their homes.
Most of the world recognizes the truth about this war. It is a criminal and unprovoked aggression by Russia against our nation, aimed at seizing Ukraine’s territory and resources. But it is not just that. With its aggression, the terrorist state is willing to undermine all the grounds of international norms meant to protect the world from wars.
And I am grateful to all those who have recognized the Russian aggression as a violation of the UN Charter.
Ukraine exercises its inherent right of self-defence. Helping Ukraine with weapons in this exercise, imposing sanctions and exerting comprehensive pressure on the aggressor, as well as voting for relevant resolutions, mean helping to defend the UN Charter.
The resolutions of the General Assembly have clearly recognized the fact that the only source of this war is Russia. But, this has changed nothing for Russia in the United Nations. However, these are the situations that have changed everything for the UN. We should acknowledge that the Organization finds itself in a deadlock on the issue of aggression. Humankind no longer pins its hopes on the UN when it comes to the defence of the sovereign borders of nations. World leaders are seeking new platforms and alliances that could reduce the disastrous scope of problems. Those problems that are met here, within these walls, with rhetoric, rather than real solutions, with aspirations to compromise with killers, rather than to protect lives. Life should be defended uncompromisingly to ensure successful protection.
But I would not be here today if Ukraine had no proposals precisely regarding solutions.
Yesterday, in my address to the UN General Assembly, I said that the Ukrainian Peace Formula had become the basis to update the existing security architecture in the world, in particular – to restore the real power of the UN Charter and the rules-based international order.
Now I would like to present the details – concrete possible actions based on the Peace Formula, notably its point 5 “Implementation of the UN Charter and restoration of Ukraine’s territorial integrity and the world order”.
All in the world see what makes the UN incapable unfortunately. This seat in the Security Council, which Russia occupied illegally, through backstage manipulations following the collapse of the Soviet Union, has been taken by liars whose job is to whitewash the aggression and genocide being carried out by Russia. And all the UN actions – either by the Security Council or the General Assembly – that could have stopped this aggression, are shattered by the privilege granted by this seat to the aggressor. Veto power in the hands of the aggressor is what has pushed the UN into a dead end.
Today, no matter what nation you might be… A nation with hundreds of millions of people or a small nation… A nation that bravely defends its independence or a country whose long history of independence can help others… A state in need of help or a nation that can provide genuine support… A state that relies on its army, or a state for which the UN Charter, not its army, is the first and last line of defense… Regardless of who you are, the current UN system still makes you less influential than the veto power possessed by a few and misused by one – Russia – to the detriment of all other UN members.
These days, the word “inequality” has often been heard in the UN General Assembly. Inequality is mentioned by different nations – both larger and smaller ones. It is precisely inequality that renders the UN ineffective now.
I regret that so far the UN Security Council is just the most visible platform in the world. I believe that the UN is capable of more. I am confident that the UN Charter can actually work for global peace and security. However, for this to happen, the years-long discussions of projects for UN reform must be translated into a viable process of UN reform.
And it should not be only about representation here, in the Security Council. The use of veto power – that is what requires reform, and this can be a key reform. This can be what restores the power of the UN Charter.
Ladies and gentlemen!
Five hundred seventy-four days of the full-fledged Russian aggression are five hundred seventy-four reasons for changes in this Chamber. And the number of votes in favor of these changes actually amounts to billions. The absolute majority of people in the world aspire to live in a world free of aggression. In contrast to all of us, there are only a few obsessed individuals in Moscow. Veto should not serve as a weapon for those who are obsessed with hatred and war.
What we observe in the United Nations is an increasing support for the idea that in cases of mass atrocities veto power should be voluntarily suspended. But we also observe that Russia will not give up this stolen privilege voluntarily.
So, the UN General Assembly should be given a real power to overcome the veto.
This will be the first necessary step.
If it is impossible to stop the war because all efforts are vetoed by the aggressor or those who condone the aggressor, it is necessary to bring this issue to the attention of the General Assembly. In the event of two-thirds of the votes reflecting the will of nations from Asia, Africa, Europe, both Americas, and the Pacific region – a global qualified majority – the veto should be effectively overcome, and such resolution of the General Assembly must be legally binding for all Member States.
The second step. The UN Security Council must be fully accountable to the nations of the world. I welcome the proposals of various leaders to expand the representation of nations in the Security Council. The composition of the permanent members of the Security Council should reflect the current realities and justice.
Ukraine considers it unjust when billions of people do not have their permanent representation in the Security Council. The African Union must be here permanently. Asia deserves broader permanent representation – it cannot be considered normal when nations like Japan, India or the Islamic world remain outside the permanent membership of the Security Council. One should take into account the changes that have taken place in Europe, notably that Germany has become one of the key global guarantors of peace and security. This is a matter of fact. Therefore, it is also a matter of fact that Germany deserves a place among the permanent members of the Security Council. Latin America must be represented here – permanently. And the Pacific states.
However, we should not confine our attention to those in the top seats only. There is a need to expand the participation and access to the activities of the UN Security Council and its subsidiary bodies for all members of the UN General Assembly who are not recognized as aggressors.
At the same time, the Security Council’s membership of any state should be suspended for a period of time when such a state resorts to aggression against another nation in violation of the UN Charter.
The third step; there is a need for a system to prevent aggression through early response to actions violating territorial integrity and sovereignty of states. It’s time to do this. Nations of the world should agree on such a mechanism for responding to aggression to protect others that everyone would want for their own security.
The Russian invasion of Ukraine has shown what can such a mechanism be. Among other things, powerful sanctions against the aggressor. Not only at the stage when Bucha has already happened, but also at the stage of the build-up of an invasion army. Anyone who wants to start a war should see before their fatal mistake what exactly they will lose when they start a war. The issue of applying such preventive sanctions should be automatically submitted for consideration of the UN Security Council when any Member of the UN General Assembly reports a threat of aggression.
Ukrainian soldiers are currently doing at the expense of their blood what the UN Security Council should do by its voting – they are stopping aggression and upholding the principles of the UN Charter.
And now, I would like to focus on territorial integrity. This is an element of both the UN Charter and our Peace Formula that is inextricably linked to the issue of clearing the territory from the occupiers. Occupation is an inexhaustible source of dynamite under the international rules-based order. So, I will provide examples of concrete steps to be taken for the security architecture to be strong. Using Ukraine as an example. Concrete things. Concrete as we, Ukrainians are.
First: full withdrawal of all Russian troops and military formations, including the Russian Black Sea Fleet or its leaky remnants, as well as the withdrawal of all mercenaries and paramilitary formations of Russia from the entire sovereign territory of Ukraine within our internationally recognized borders as of 1991.
Second: full restoration of Ukraine’s effective control over the entire state border and exclusive economic zone, including in the Black and Azov Seas, as well as in the Kerch Strait.
In fact, only the implementation of these two points will result in an honest, reliable, and complete cessation of hostilities.
Ladies and gentlemen!
As a rule, reforms of such international institutions were made following major tragedies, major wars. We should not wait for this aggression to be over. Action is needed now. Our aspiration for peace should drive the reform.
When I was preparing the Ukrainian Peace Formula, I underpinned its points exclusively by the principles of the UN Charter and resolutions adopted by the General Assembly. This is precisely what enables the global nature of the Ukrainian Peace Formula. Nations that engage with the Formula realize that they are working for the rules-based international order – for the protection of territorial integrity and sovereignty of states, protection of human rights, prevention of aggression and genocidal policy. Naturally, the epicentre of such efforts should be in this very Chamber – the UN Security Council Chamber, and even to a greater extent, in the General Assembly Hall. If reform of UN institutions is necessary for this, then we should not be afraid of such reform. We are ready to work together with those UN members, who have joined the Peace Formula, on relevant draft resolutions and amendments to the UN Charter.
And I would like to make it clear for everyone in the world, what exactly Ukraine is proposing while addressing the nations of the world and calling on them to join the implementation of the Peace Formula.
Each country can demonstrate its leadership within the framework of one or more or all points of the Peace Formula. On the basis of the points of the Peace Formula we form groups, where national security advisors to heads of state and diplomatic representatives work. These groups are tasked to elaborate a list of decisions and legislative proposals, requiring implementation to fulfil the relevant point of the Peace Formula. We are ready to hold the inaugural Summit of the Leaders, subsequently, ten conferences at the level of advisors, diplomatic representatives, heads of parliaments in accordance with the ten points of the Peace Formula. Later, these drafts prepared by advisors will be submitted for consideration by heads of state at the respective final Summit.
Thereby, all nations of the world that respect peace can actually participate in the restoration of peace.
Cooperation is always the key word for Ukraine in international relations. This word is also key for peace. So, let peace prevail! May our institutions and our cooperation be stronger.
I thank you for the opportunity to deliver this address. Thank you for the invitation and your attention!
Slava Ukraini!
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Prime Minister Edi Rama: I thank his Excellency President Zelenskyy for his briefing I will now issue a statement in my capacity as the Prime Minister of the Republic of Albania.
Mr Secretary General,
Excellencies heads of state and government,
Distinguished representatives,
Thank you all for being here today.
The presence of such considerable number of dignitaries speaks to the very high importance of the issue at hand.
Thank you Secretary General for your remarks. They resonate with and reflect the values and principles of our organization.
President Zelenskyy, I’m grateful for your presence here at such a tragic moment in your country’s history. Your strong words translate the pain of your compatriots and convey very clearly, together with your firm determination, the grit of your people and the unwavering hope of your nation.
Excellencies, while the world today needs more than ever an acute sense of responsibility from all of us to confront the multiple challenges and threats facing our planet, conflicts, unconstitutional seizures of power climate change, the devastating floods and unforgiving droughts including unpredictable and severe wildfires.
What we witness instead is more and more disruptive attitudes, reckless acts and growing conflicts within and among states. In many parts of the world, the examples of force have proliferated while the force of example has become a rarity. Who could have imagined until not long ago that in the third decade of the 21st century, a disastrous war started by a permanent member of this Council would put Europe at risk, by brutally undermining all the principles that gave birth to the United Nations.
Who could have imagined until only few years ago that an unjustified, unjust and unprovoked military aggression by a big country against a new democracy would not be immediately, promptly and universally condemned by all the nations that gather here and share the same goals and principles.
How to understand the yes, but or calls on both sides with arguments in order to avoid calling a spade a spade and which refuse to call a brutal aggression by its only and real name, a man-made tragedy that that is inflicting untold suffering to the Ukrainian people, but also reverberating across world regions, hurting growth, raising prices and threatening with hunger and starvation hundreds of millions of people. An aggression in the heart of Europe cannot be Europe’s problem only, as some think, as some say or as some whisper. Cynics may think that Ukraine is just a problem dropped on the lap of the democratic West to deal with. And they even murmur that what goes around comes around; implying that this is a natural payback for what might have happened before elsewhere in other times.
Is it really so?!
I invite everyone to think twice.
This war of aggression must be everyone’s business. Let me remind us by paraphrasing the tragic account by Martin Niemöller. “First they came for Georgia. I did not speak out. Then they came for Crimea. It was not my country so I did not speak out. Then they came for the whole Ukraine, but I was not Ukrainian and I did not speak out. And then they came for me but there was no one left to help and defend me.”
As we speak, there have been more than 26,000 civilians that have passed away. Tomorrow the number will be higher and it will increase every other day for as long as this war continues. Given the inexcusable nuclear sabre-rattling that keeps coming time and again from different layers of the Kremlin, one is right to fear that one day God forbid this madness could turn into something far worse. And don’t forget, as unimaginable today as this war was yesterday. Excellencies, we have a duty to help those in need and in this respect Ukraine and Ukrainians. We may differ, of course we may differ on how to support Ukraine in its fight for freedom and dignity, and we may have different views on how to end this war – and let’s discuss them – but it would be an insult to the intelligence of this organization if we fail to unanimously recognize and say loudly who is the aggressor and who is the aggressed. It is the same sharp difference between War and Peace, as Tolstoy would remind you.
Go back and read him again. If we fail to admit this crystal clear truth, we are not only letting down Ukraine and its people, we are failing our core responsibility compromising the future and betraying all our children. The struggle of Ukraine is also the struggle of everyone who aspires to live in a world where nations are free and equal, where territorial Integrity is undisputable and their right to live in peace is unquestionable. The contrary is not only short-sighted but utterly dangerous for everyone under this roof. This is why everyone has to do their part.
Albania is a small country. Our continued support to Ukraine may not change the dynamics on the battleground, but it contributes to not rewarding aggression, to not accepting annexation and not letting the obvious become dubious. Again I repeat, we may differ on how to deal with this, we may have different views on how to go towards peace, but how possibly we can have different views on who is the aggressor and who is the aggressed.
Excellencies, the main duty of the Security Council is to act decisively on behalf of the entire world and in the service of the world. We cannot blame and well understand those, who were many in number, and who asked what is the Security Council doing? The abusive use of the right to veto sadly has held the Security Council hostage, it has paralyzed the Council, but it has not reduced it to silence, as we can see the proof is here, in this meeting. Indeed, the force of rules and values that bring us together should not actually be replaced by rules of force.
The world is dangerously tipping into what could become a tragedy for all of us.
Excellencies, let me conclude by re calling the experience of the Western Balkans, we have seen, and where the path of brutality can lead to and the tremendous cost it brings for all, including the perpetrators. History has confirmed that those who saw war as a shortcut to achieve their goals ended up regretting it forever.
Indeed, Russia has tried many times to use or better misuse the reality change in the Western Balkans, particularly the birth of the Republic of Kosova, to justify their neo imperial dreams and the subsequent nightmare they have exported in Ukraine.
No matter how hard one may try, Kosova, whose independence has been sanctioned by the International Court of Justice, chapter 14 of this Charter of United Nations. The International Court of Justice cannot serve as a pretext for territory grab or illegal annexations. If today lasting peace in our region is within reach, this has to do first and foremost with the lesson learned that the most efficient way to overcome the past and shape a common future is through cooperation, not through division, by promoting free movement of people, goods, services and capitals, not by raising artificial barriers, but by building bridges for our kids to enjoy freedom and prosperity, whatever their language, whatever their race, whatever their nationality and not erecting walls for our ghosts of the past to seek and hide in endless blame games.
I would like to conclude by this.
The Preamble of the United Nation Charter calls on us to practice tolerance and live together in peace with one another as good neighbours. Important decisions are never a matter of chance; they are always a matter of choice. Albania has made its choice to stand for peace development and progress to stand with the aggressed not with the aggressors, to stand with and to stand for Ukraine.
Thank you!
