Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama, visiting Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte, felt blocked by the Netherlands as a candidate for member of the European Union for a long time. Now – however – he sees great opportunities for collaboration.

“The Dutch know how to kill you gently,” said Edi Rama (58), who, like Mark Rutte, is a veteran of European politics, already competing at the highest level of politics for almost ten years. He also experienced how NATO crawled through the eye of the needle during President Trump. But that’s where the comparison between the two ends: for seven years Rama fought for recognition of his country as a candidate for EU membership, and he encountered the Dutch veto several times. But resentment is the last thing that burdens Rama’s heart. On the contrary: Rutte and Rama have acquired the utmost respect for each other and are going to launch a joint plan in the coming months to promote President Emmanuel Macron’s idea for a ‘political community’ (that unites EU countries) with non-member states.

“Mark suggested it. For the first time, an EU member and a non-EU member will work together for the future of Europe. It brings two extremes together. We had to go through all the rings of hell to reach the heart of this country and the grace of Mark Rutte,” Rama said during an interview at Hotel Des Indes. “But he’s now taking steps forward and that’s fantastic. This is the outcome of a very tough love.”

In 2020, the light at the end of the tunnel finally went green for the accession negotiations that North Macedonia (application: 2004) and Albania (application: 2006) should go through before they can join the European Union. But the actual start of those negotiations, a process that also takes years, has been vetoed by Bulgaria in the last two years. Now a breakthrough seems to be in sight.

“One could write a wonderful novel about the EU enlargement”

“Samuel Beckett has already done it with the Waiting for Godot. The North Macedonia’s and Albania’s case is one of the life imitating art. We are like Becket’s characters, Vladimir and Estragon, waiting for Godot. At the right moment, Vladimir says to Estragon: “Shall we go?” The answer: “Let’s go.” And then nobody moves. (he laughs) That’s the European Union,” Rama said.

A number of Dutch politicians in The Hague have told you that your country still had to take a few steps forward.

“It was a tough path, yet their position has helped us to somehow avenge by running faster. Thus we proved that we were much better than they believed. But EU politics is increasingly being determined by national egoism. It matters less and less what you do, and more and more how the others feel when they make a decision. And there is always a member country to oppose. The Bulgarian veto against North Macedonia is the most blatant example. The Dutch know how to kill you in a gentle way, but it’s not a gentle death with the Bulgarians.” (he laughs).

How does that ‘soft’ Dutch killing variant work?

“Then they tell you that you’re not ready yet, because they’re not ready – and that goes on forever. Then you have to be patient and force yourself to a resurrection every time. Certainly when the Commission gave positive recommendations twice – but the recommendations ended up in the mill of national interests in the (European) Council – that was really very disappointing. Our relations with the Netherlands are excellent now. The respect we get now was unimaginable a few years ago. Then we felt really squeezed and unwanted.”

Could the fear of an EU that is too big also play a role?

“Definitely yes! If it’s neurotic at 27, how will it work at 33? With six Balkan countries, the craziest in Europe? And all with a veto power in hand? I understand that point – and when you see a well-functioning country like the Netherlands, you understand it. What family would work if the grandparents, parents, children and grandchildren around the table all had the same power and the grandchildren a veto? That is impossible.”

Do you support Macron’s idea about ​​a political community outside the EU?

“I am a big supporter. Because although we have yet to become EU members, we are Europeans after all. They cannot decide on that neither in Berlin nor The Hague. The EU is the only political entity in history with an external border and internal borders. The whole of the Western Balkans lies within those internal borders. Like your stomach can’t communicate with the rest. Each country has to find its own way to the EU, but collectively we need to be more connected.”

What should the EU do with candidate member Serbia, which has just signed an oil contract with Russia?

“Be very careful and don’t blindly ask what Serbia cannot give. Serbia cannot quickly get rid of its dependence on mainly Russian gas, but it voted against Russia’s invasion three times in the United Nations. That is unique and new, nobody expected that. But the Balkans remain a vulnerable chain. The war in Ukraine can easily disrupt stability – and even lead to open conflict.”

Is Russia’s re-invasion of Ukraine a turning point?

“The war forces the EU together, but it is also a major stress test. The question is whether unity will be preserved. Putin uses food shortages as a deadly weapon. He is seeking to fuel hunger in Africa and a new wave of refugees to Europe. I see no hesitation among political leaders, but doubts of public opinion. I am concerned about people in wealthy countries and their ability to remain involved in this war. Would they say:  ‘I don’t care about inflation and expensive fuel, I just don’t want Russia to win’? In addition to the military conflict, Putin is also focusing on differences in resilience. The pain threshold for Russia is much higher – and that’s where the war is decided.”

What is the single most important aspect of your country’s massive transformation?

“The freedom to choose for ourselves. For centuries, we have been living under roofs that we did not choose ourselves, but were instead imposed by imperial regimes, foreign regimes. The first time Albanians could choose for themselves was when they decided to leave communism behind and join Europe. In that sense, Europe is a religion for us – and a source of knowledge about the transition to a democratic state.”

You are an artist, so was your father. He built monuments in the communist era. What monument would you like to leave behind?

“My father was an official sculptor of the regime. He first believed in communism, I think. But I was fortunate enough that when he started to lose his faith in communism, he left room for me to have my faith. So we ended up under one roof: a quiet communist and a very loud anti-communist; a realism artist and a very anti-realism artist. He has left a few eternal monuments, such as the monument of Albanian independence. I would like to leave what my father said: in the end it is a good memory that counts. When people say: he tried, he did it okay – that’s enough for me.”